Book Reviews : The Seattle General Strike. By ROBERT L. FRIEDHEIM. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964.)
| Author | John E. Crow |
| DOI | 10.1177/106591296702000419 |
| Published date | 01 December 1967 |
| Date | 01 December 1967 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
993
current
problems
of
labor
arbitration.
These
problems
are
the
themes
of
succeeding
chapters:
sharing
of
costs,
time
lag
in
decisions,
&dquo;excessive&dquo;
formalization,
paucity
of
new,
young
arbitrators,
and
finally,
individual
rights
vis-h-vis
the
powers
of
union
organization.
A
brief
historical
chapter
traces
the
evolution
of
the
arbitration
tech-
nique
of
resolving
labor-management
problems.
This
material
serves
as
a
preface
to
Fleming’s
discussion of
the
immediate
problems
of
the
field.
The
primary
limitation
of
the
book,
one
evidenced
throughout
its
pages,
is
that
most
of
the
analysis
is
at
the
level
of
statutory
construction
and
consists
of
the
author’s
explication
of
court
of
last
resort
opinions
on
relevant
public
laws,
especially
U.S.
Supreme
Court
interpretations
of
Taft-Hartley.
The
theories
that
underly
this
out-
put
interest
Fleming.
The
clash of
political
forces
that
permeate
and
influence
this
structure
are
rarely
so
much
as
hinted
at,
and
in
no
instance
is
this
clash
illuminated.
University
of
Arizona
JOHN
E.
CROW
The
Seattle
General
Strike.
By
ROBERT
L.
FRIEDHEIM.
(Seattle:
University
of
Washington
Press,
1964.)
The
Seattle
General
Strike
of
February,
1919,
is
one
of
America’s
two
general
strikes.
Robert
L.
Friedheim
has
chronicled
that
event
in
a
well-written,
objective
manner;
his
account
is
well
worth
reading
for
the
sheer
human
interest
of
those
tur-
bulent
days
in
the
Pacific
Northwest.
But
Friedheim
has
depicted
an
event
that
has
more
than
mere
historical
or
hu-
manistic
interest.
The
Seattle
General
Strike
is
also
instructive
for
the
light
it
sheds
on
the
awkward
discovery
and
painful
use
of
a
new
form
(for
Americans )
of
social
protest,
and
the
reaction
to
that
form
on
the
part
of established
middle-class
society.
From
the
beginning
of
the
strike
to
its
end,
the
leaders,
drawn
from
conserva-
tive
AFL
locals,
had
to
improvise
tactics
not
hitherto
used
by
trade
unionists.
Often
these
men
improvised
in
intelligent,
rational
ways.
Their
mistakes,
however,
were
costly
and
possibly
disastrous.
Following
their
policy
of
shutting
down
all
commun-
ity
activity,
save
for
services
indispensable
to
the
health
and
safety
of
the
city,
the
leaders
insisted
that
the
union-sponsored,
community
newspaper
also
close
its
doors.
This
left
the
task of
interpreting
the
shut-down
to
the
other
established
newspapers,
who
managed
to
continue
publication.
The
pages
of these
papers
interpreted
the
strike,
for
Seattleites
and
history,
as
a
revolutionary
undertaking,
sponsored
and
led
by
&dquo;un-American&dquo;
elements.
Strike
leaders
eventually
realized
their
mistake
but
too
late
to
alter
the
course
of
events.
Many
enduring
elements
of
modern
Northwest
and
American
politics
can
be
seen
in
and
around
the
event
of
the
strike.
The
mayor,
&dquo;Holy
Ole&dquo;
Hanson,
dis-
covered
that
a
national
political
career
could
be based
on
a
staunch
posture
against
foreign,
revolutionary
elements.
The
fact
that
the
AFL
strike
was
indigenous
and
that
revolutionaries
were
largely
excluded
from
the
strike’s
leadership,
made
no
dif-
ference
to
Mayor
Hanson,
nor
to
those
that
had
similar
careers
in
later
years.
Before
the
strike
the
labor
movement
in
the
Northwest
had
achieved
unity
among
its
disparate
radical,
progressive,
and
conservative
factions.
In
the
strike’s
aftermath,
mutual
recriminations
and
finding
of
fault
went
on
for
years.
When
the
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