Book Review: Political Violence: A Philosophical Analysis of Terrorism

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/106591297903200215
Published date01 June 1979
Date01 June 1979
Subject MatterBook Review
Book
Reviews and Notes
227
Marx, Freud, Lawrence, and others who raised dirty little secrets to the level of
consciousness, they did see alike. They jointly composed
a
serviceable “ideology of
social reform,”
a
coherent framework for governmental action. They formulated
a
set of beliefs which,
as
Freeden says, “worked” and which “is now part and parcel
of modem British political thought.”
Freeden’ has no difficulty being appreciative of the outcome
-
the welfare
state in operation
-
for he postulates no view more comprehensive than the one
to which he devotes his impressive energies. English behavior in India or Ireland,
in the public schools or in corporate board rooms, or, for that matter, in bed, is for
Freeden
-
and for that catch-all abstraction called the liberal mind
-
simply not
part and parcel of The Social Problem. Having drawn
a
tight frame around politi-
cal thought and having excluded those life-negating forces in modem society which
make the days and nights of the citizenry flat, banal, and depressing, Freeden can
readily pronounce the political order of liberalism to be “dynamic, flexible, and
progressive.” And without providing any italicized emphasis, he can convincingly
trace
-
as he does in this study
-
the way by which “liberalism came to grips with
the
problems and issues of modern, highly industrialized society.”
If
there is pathos in the activities of the small, conscientious band of thinkers
whose stirrings have engaged Freeden, none of his words or silences acknowledge
it. The prose is smooth, the mind at rest.
HENRY
S.
KARIEL
University
of
Hawaii
Political Violence: A Philosophical Analysis
of
Terrorism.
By
TED
HONDERICH.
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976. Pp. 118. $7.95.)
Violence and the State.
By LESLIE
MACFARLANE.
(London: Thomas Nelson and
Sons Ltd, 1974. Pp. 155. $8.00 and $3.50.)
These are unsatisfying books, poorly integrated and inconclusive. Honderich’s
however, is
an
exploratory essay which has the merit of raising important issues,
although it neither settles them nor succeeds in illuminating them clearly. In con-
trast, Macfarlane has written
a
text designed to show that the Western concept
of the state is inapplicable to most polities, and it has little novelty or insight to
recommend it.
Both purport to be about violence. Honderich asks whether violence is ever
justifiable in
a
democracy
-
but ultimately and quite surprising!y “democratic
violence” turns out at the end of the book to be
a
form of persuasion rather than
the terrorism the subtitle and the preceding discussion lead one to expect.
To
the
extent that Macfarlane treats violence, his discussion ranges over violence against
the state and violence by states; and the point of the focus on violence is not alto-
gether clear. Macfarlane defines violence
as
“the capacity to impose,
or
the act of
imposing, one’s will upon another, where the imposition is held to be illegitimate.”
He
says force is to be distinguished from violence because it
is
held to be legitimate.
It seems odd to think of violence
as
a
capacity. Honderich defines violence rather
more perspicuously
as
“a
use of considerable destroying force against people or
things,
a
use
of force that offends against
a
norm”; and he defines political
vio-
lence
as
such
a
use of force “prohibited by law and directed to
a
change in the
policies, personnel or system of government, and hence to changes in society.” For
both, violence is connected with legitimacy, but for Honderich the relevant concept
/of legitimacy is the fact of norms while for hfacfarlane it is (some) one’s perception
of what is right; and both slide almost.imperceptib1y from talk of violence to talk
of coercion
-
Honderich,
as
noted, characterizing democratic violence
as
coercive
persuasion. Consequently, for Macfarlane the importance of legitimacy to the con-
cept of violence effectively disappears, while for Honderich it becomes part of his
conclusion that democratic violence can be justifiable.
Honderich has witten
a
generally abstract philosophical treatise, tying to-
gether if not very neatly three separate
essays:
one on the difference in how we

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