Book Review: Hyper-organization: Global organizational expansion

AuthorMark Addleson
DOI10.1177/0275074016687845
Published date01 July 2017
Date01 July 2017
Subject MatterBook Review
American Review of Public Administration
2017, Vol. 47(5) 615 –616
© The Author(s) 2017
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Book Review
Robert Strange McNamara, as U.S. Secretary of Defense,
played a major role in escalating the Vietnam War. On the
premise that the outcome of war depends on the numbers
killed on either side, he used body counts to establish whether
the United States was winning or not. Relying on “the num-
bers” and this statistic in particular, though utterly inhumane
and fatally flawed, might have seemed entirely logical to
him. He had come into the Pentagon as a “whiz kid” from the
Ford Motor Company. He went on to head the World Bank.
What enabled McNamara to move, at the highest level,
among these three organizations, apparently with different
interests, customs, and “customers”? The answer is that they
are all organizations, “run” (i.e., managed) in essentially the
same way; relying on numbers, formal structures, processes
and procedures, and rules and regulations. Each is a prime
example of what the authors call “hyper-organization.”
“Hyper-organization” is intended to convey the idea that
there is, today, more than at any time in the past, a near-uni-
versal form of organization across the private (business),
public (government), and not-for-profit spheres. So much so
that Bromley and Meyer say we should speak about “ratio-
nalized formal organizations” (RFOs) simply as “organiza-
tion,” without the need for a qualifying term. This book
explores that “organization,” which I will refer to as the
RFO. McNamara’s résumé, by the way, includes an MBA
from Harvard, where he later taught accounting, a short stint
at a consulting firm, and military service during World War II
(WWII). As each of these institutions and practices shaped
and now reinforces the way RFOs operate, he became an
ideal candidate to lead three.
Noting early on that, while the study of organizations is a
vast enterprise today, “there are few intellectual tools to help
us understand why these structures exist and grow,” the
authors adopt a “sociological institutional” approach, which
highlights “cultural sources of social structures.” There are
two threads to their narrative. The main one identifies and
explores three “cultural foundations” behind the emergence
of the RFO, “science, [individual] empowerment, and educa-
tion.” The other thread, unfortunately, only really gets atten-
tion in the penultimate chapter, “Dialectics.” This has to do
with the deep contradictions between the rhetoric of “ratio-
nality” that frames widespread organizational practices and
the practices themselves, which are anything but rational.
Organizations, as much shapers of their cultural environ-
ments as shaped by them, embrace such an enormous range
of goals and responsibilities, from “efficiency” to “risk man-
agement” to “personal empowerment” to “minimizing their
environmental impact,” that many of these are either incon-
sistent or, unequivocally, contradictory (i.e., far from “ratio-
nal” when taken together). The authors argue that
these complexities . . . are inherent characteristics of the
organization . . . rather than a pathology . . . to be corrected.
Organizations embody much internal conflict and have
dramatically non-rational qualities, not despite their rationalistic
goals orientation but because of them. (p. 6).
I am with the authors on this point. In Chapter 6, they offer
an interesting and plausible account of the institutionalized
means of handling and hiding these contradictions, including
“decoupling” activities and creating a “mystique” of manage-
ment, but they don’t take a stand on the question of rationality
per se. Without putting too fine a point on it, according to a
decades-long, postmodern narrative, with various branches
and many more contributors in recent years, the very idea of
a rational organization is a con job. The word “rationality,”
referring to how well suited are means to ends, is irrelevant in
human affairs outside a narrow domain of technical prob-
lems, such as establishing why your car won’t start.
To get anything done, whether it is taking kids to school
or holding a departmental meeting, people organize. When it
comes to the human, social of activities of organizing, the
only practical way of doing things – borrowing from Charles
Lindblom’s well-known 1959 article on policy – is by “mud-
dling through.” A discourse of “wicked problems,” “emer-
gence,” “improvisation,” and “clumsy solutions” makes
nonsense of the social construction of “the organization as a
rational actor”—a largely unfathomable idea. At the same
time, the emphasis on formulating comprehensive strategic
plans and using algorithms and forecasts to obtain optimal
results distracts us from what matters in organizing: how
various people make meaning of the situation at hand—what
they think, believe, and learn—as well their different values,
attitudes and, not least, their relationships.
The main thread of the book begins with a short chapter
substantiating the expansion of organization as a post-WWII
701225ARPXXX10.1177/0275074017701225American Review of Public AdministrationBook Review
book-review2017
Book Review
Bromley, P., & Meyer, J. W. (2015). Hyper-organization: Global organizational expansion. Oxford University Press. 225 pp. $35.00. ISBN:
978-0-19-968986-6.
Reviewed by: Mark Addleson, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA.
DOI: 10.1177/0275074016687845

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