“Blacks Can’t Jump”: The Racialization of Transit Police Responses to Fare Evasion

Published date01 October 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211007548
AuthorTaLisa J. Carter,Lallen T. Johnson
Date01 October 2023
Subject MatterArticles
Article
“Blacks Can’t Jump”: The
Racialization of Transit Police
Responses to Fare Evasion
TaLisa J. Carter
1
and Lallen T. Johnson
1
Abstract
This study demonstrates that racially disparate fare evasion citation outcomes are the
product of racialized social systems that allow transit police officers to determine
the belongingness of Black riders in systems of mass transit. Using citation data from
the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, we test the impact of race and
place attributes on transit officer decisions to allocate punishment for subway fare
evasion using mixed effects logistic regression controlling for individual and contextual
predictors. Although rider racial identity alone proves statistically irrelevant, Black
riders suspected of fare evasion possess an elevated risk for being fined as opposed to
merely being warned at stations located within predominately white neighborhoods
and as stations increase in ridership. These findings demonstrate how transit police
officer discretion challenges Black belongingness on systems of public transportation.
Broader implications of this work include the importance of scholarship linking sta-
tistical disparities to organizational intent and integrating diverse voices in policing
policy development.
Keywords
fare evasion, policing, race, place, order maintenance
Introduction
Black Americans endure an elevated risk of unwanted police contact while in
predominately white neighborhoods. Studies have shown that to be Black while
moving through white space is to invite scrutiny while walking (Fagan & Davies,
1
Department of Justice, Law & Criminology, American University, Washington, DC, USA
Corresponding Author:
TaLisa J. Carter, Department of Justice, Law & Criminology, American University, Kerwin 270, 4400
Massachusetts Av., NW, Washington, DC 20016, USA.
Email: carter@american.edu
Race and Justice
ªThe Author(s) 2021
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2023, Vol. 13(4) 463–\ 487
2000) or driving (Meehan & Ponder, 2002; Rojek et al., 2012). And, such repetitive
unwarranted police contact undermines police legitimacy (Stewart et al., 2009;
Weitzer & Tuch, 2004), causes high levels of anxiety (Geller et al., 2014), and renders
communities less safe (Kane, 2005).
Despite this knowledge, literature examining the experiences of Black transit riders
in white environments remains theoretically and empirically underdeveloped. This is
surprising, considering recent media reports highlighting the aggressive treatment of
Black transit users by police officers across American cities (DeGregory & McCarthy,
2020). Washington, DC is no exception. Although the public transportation system for
the region—known as Metro—serves a racially diverse population, there are notable
disparities in outcomes for riders. A recent descriptive study by the Washington
Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs showed that between 2016
and 2017, Black riders accounted for 91%of the passengers that received citations/
summons but only 50%of the DC population (Banks & Gunston, 2018). Of the Black
riders who received citations, nearly 3
=
4were men and more than half were under age
25.
These patterns are concerning, yet unsurprising in a racialized society. Racialized
societies are comprised of social systems that rely on race as a principle organizing
factor. As a result, racially disparate outcomes, institutional racism, and other racial
phenomena are natural products of these racialized social systems (Banks & Gunston,
2018). Because racial phenomena are a result of broader systemic organization, racism
can manifest in overt or covert ways, making addressing race related issues chal-
lenging. In the United States, for example, racial/ethnic disparities among institutional
outcomes are often acknowledged but not directly linked to organizational intent.
Such a disassociation divorces the institution from accountability by removing
institutional racism from the conversation.
We contend that mass transit police organizations operate within racialized social
systems and thus treat race as a non-factor, which is a natural result of a broader
racialized society. Like many other law enforcement agencies, they too have adopted
ostensibly race-neutral order maintenance strategies that encourage the aggressive
policing of quality-of-life offenses. But by treating race in this way, transit police
agencies devolve wide discretion to transit officers in ways that are consequential.
Absent institutional policy, culture, and practices that explicitly speak to racial con-
siderations, transit officers are increasingly likely to resort to racial cues about
offenders and places to inform punishment allocation decisions.
The policing of fare evasion—defined as boarding or attempting to board a transit
vehicle without paying the proper fare—represents one example of this in practice.
Using data from the Washington (DC) Metropolitan Area Transit Authority
(WMATA) we demonstrate that being situated in a racialized social system implicitly
conveys officers the authority to racialize the punishment decision. Although
the penalty for fare evasion across the transit system is a $50 fine, officers have the
discretion to issue cited riders a warning instead. We show that what shapes the
punitiveness decision is a confluence of rider race and local racial composition.
That is, although Black riders are no more likely to be fined than their white
464
Race and Justice 13(4)

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