Black fathers' personal histories, worldviews, and fathering behaviors
Published date | 01 December 2022 |
Author | Janean E. Dilworth‐Bart,Bakari Wallace,Oona‐Ife Olaiya |
Date | 01 December 2022 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12631 |
RESEARCH
Black fathers’personal histories, worldviews,
and fathering behaviors
Janean E. Dilworth-Bart
1
|Bakari Wallace
2
|Oona-Ife Olaiya
1
1
Department of Human Development and
Family Studies, University of Wisconsin–
Madison
2
Department of Civil Society and Community
Studies, University of Wisconsin–Madison
Correspondence
Janean E. Dilworth-Bart, 1300 Linden Drive,
4132 Nancy Nichols Hall, Madison,
WI 53706, USA.
Email: jedilworth@wisc.edu
Funding information
This research was funded by a small grant from
The Spencer Foundation (#201600102).
Abstract
Objective: We examined links between boyhood and
fatherhood in a thematic analysis of Black men’s narra-
tives about their childhood histories, connection of these
experiences to their views about fathering, and descrip-
tions of their fathering relationships and behaviors.
Background: There remains a critical need to understand
how Black men father in a sociohistorical context that
defines them as absent or deficient.
Method: We conducted in-depth, semistructured qualita-
tive interviews with 30 Black fathers with children in
4-year-old kindergarten through grade 12 education. We
used life course theory and an integrative model of child
development as conceptual frameworks to guide a mixed
deductive–inductive analysis.
Results: We identified three categories and seven themes
within the categories: Personal History (Intergenerational
Relationships, Negotiating Race and Racism, Turning
Points), Fathering Worldview (Being a Father: The Nurturer,
The Educator; Fathering Black Children), and Fathering
Relationships and Behaviors (Father–Child Interaction,
Racial Armoring). We also identified fathers’explicit connec-
tions of their Personal Histories to their Fathering Worldviews
and, thereby, their Fathering Relationships and Behaviors.
Conclusion: This article addresses ways that Black men
make sense of their personal histories and connect these
histories to how they raise their children.
Implications: This discussion of intergenerational linking
of lives and turning points has significant implications for
understanding Black family development in the racialized
context of the United States and highlights the need for
comprehensive mental health support for Black men and
their families that focuses on racial trauma along with con-
ceptual and empirical focus on impacts of anti-Blackness
on individual and family well-being.
Received:7October2020 Revised:28June2021 Accepted:18September2021
DOI: 10.1111/fare.12631
© 2021 National Council on Family Relations.
1896 Family Relations. 2022;71:1896–1916.wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/fare
Black fathers, as a function of race and societal expectations, are often perceived to be uni-
nvolved or inadequately involved in their children’s lives. There are, in fact, many counterpoints
to this popular narrative (e.g., Allen, 2012; Edin et al., 2009; Posey-Maddox, 2017; Ransaw,
2014). Nevertheless, this critical bias in the research and practice with Black families that trans-
lates into further research, programs, policies, and daily interactions that devalue the roles of
Black men in Black family life. In this article, we contribute to the growing body of knowledge
about the complexity of Black men and their families by examining the potential links between
boyhood and fatherhood in a thematic analysis of Black men’s descriptions of their childhood
histories, their connection of these experiences to their views about fathering, and their descrip-
tions of their fathering relationships and behaviors.
NEITHER CHILDREN NOR MEN: THE UNIQUE SOCIAL POSITIONS
OF BLACK MEN AND BOYS
Black men and boys occupy uniquely devalued social positions in which they are perceived nei-
ther as children when they are young nor as adults when they are older (Butler-Barnes et al.,
2017; Dumas & Nelson, 2016). Black children are perceived as less innocent and more culpable
for their actions, and Black boys are perceived to be older than their same-age peers of other
races (Goff et al., 2014). These negative perceptions, in turn, pose an existential threat to Black
boys’safety that can be central to parents’childrearing (DiAquoi, 2017; Dow, 2016; Johnson
et al., 2020).
Black parents are tasked with the critical responsibility of helping their children develop
healthy identities and maintain both physical and psychological safety within a racially fraught
society. This racial socialization includes both proactive and reactive transmission of cultural
values along with the communication of strategies to cope with race-based oppression
(Anderson & Stevenson, 2019; Hughes et al., 2006; Stevenson & Renard, 1993). Racial sociali-
zation is associated with numerous positive outcomes among Black children including the
development of positive coping behaviors (Caughy et al., 2011; Neblett et al., 2012), lower
self-reported depressive symptoms (Neblett et al., 2013), and academic achievement (Wang
et al., 2020).
Although racial socialization is protective and promotive of Black youth development
(Neblett et al., 2012), not recognizing Black boys as children still effectively dehumanizes them
(Dumas & Nelson, 2016). This dehumanization extends into adulthood and may be related to
significant constraints on Black men’s lives (e.g., Assari, Lankarani, & Caldwell, 2018) and
structural barriers to parenting such as disproportionate incarceration, lack of access to ser-
vices, and criminalization of poverty (Henson, 2021; Threlfall & Kohl, 2015). It is similarly
notable that this dehumanization of Black personhood contributes to a body of scholarship that
is only beginning to address the needs of middle- and upper-income, LGBTQ+, or other diverse
Black fathers (Johnson & Young, 2016). Consequently, positive Black fathering is rendered
invisible (Hines & Boyd-Franklin, 2005) despite always having been a part of Black family sys-
tems (Allen, 2016; Mandara, 2006; Roy & Burton, 2007).
Theoretical framework
This analysis is grounded in life course theory (Elder et al., 2003) and Coll’s integrative model of
minority child development (Coll et al., 1996). Life course theory allows for understanding how
development is embedded in multileveled social and historical contexts (Elder et al., 2003). This
perspective also accounts for the interconnectedness of successive generations of family mem-
bers, particularly how one generation’s values, opportunities, and experiences impact expand or
BLACK FATHERS’HISTORIES, WORLDVIEWS, AND BEHAVIORS1897
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