Biofuels

DOI10.1177/0094582X15594398
AuthorBlanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte,Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo
Date01 September 2015
Published date01 September 2015
Subject MatterArticles
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 204, Vol. 42 No. 5, September 2015, 67–82
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X15594398
© 2015 Latin American Perspectives
67
Biofuels
Socio-environmental Violence in Rural Mexico
by
Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
Translated by
Luis Alberto Hernández
The production of biofuels in Mexico is a fledging project. Lack of planning, the obsta-
cles presented by PEMEX, and the resistance of small farmers have limited their produc-
tion. Even at this stage, however, some of its effects are increasingly clear: its
socio-environmental violence affects the natural resources of peasants and indigenous
communities. In addition, Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States, character-
ized by strong dependency, has affected its food sovereignty in that corn imports have
become more expensive because of the increase in U.S. production of corn-derived
ethanol.
La producción de agrocombustibles en México es un proyecto incipiente. La falta de
planeación, los obstáculos por parte de PEMEX, así como la resistencia por parte de los
campesinos han limitado su producción. Sin embargo, aún en esta fase incipiente se per-
ciben claramente algunos de sus efectos, los cuales consideramos como violencia socio-
ambiental, ya que en principio atentan contra los recursos naturales de territorios
campesinos e indígenas. Por otro lado, la relación comercial de México con Estados Unidos,
caracterizada por una fuerte dependencia, ha incidido en la soberanía alimentaria del
primero, ya que las importaciones de maíz se han encarecido debido al incremento de la
producción de etanol a partir de este cereal en la nación vecina.
Keywords: Biofuels, Socio-environmental violence, Accumulation, Dispossession, Food
sovereignty
In the global struggle over oil, a new strategy to create alternative sources of
energy has arisen in the main oil-importing countries. Biofuels are part of this
strategy. This article analyzes the process by which Mexico has entered this
new area of accumulation, which is characterized by predatory social and envi-
ronmental practices that especially affect small farmers. The production of bio-
fuels is a fledging project in Mexico. Although incentives are offered for the
production of “green fuels,” in practice few of the projects have been success-
ful. A law for the promotion and development of biofuels was passed in
February 2008, and there are business groups interested in biofuel production,
Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte are professors and researchers
in the Department of Social Relations and the Postgraduate Program in Rural Development of the
Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana–Xochimilco. Luis Alberto Hernández is a translator in the
Philadelphia area.
594398LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X15594398Latin American PerspectivesMassieu and Acuña / Biofuels
research-article2015
68 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
but delays in implementation of the law and a boycott of biofuels on the part of
PEMEX have resulted in several failures. In this article we shall examine this
new alternative in the context of the new forms of accumulation built upon
dispossession and socio-environmental violence.
BIOFUELS: NEW AGRO-FOOD REGIME, NEW TERRITORIALITY
Various writers have interpreted the expansion of capital as a process char-
acterized by violence. In Marx’s (1973) writings, primitive accumulation, the
starting point of the capitalist regime, is seen as an unfinished process brought
about through dispossession by violence (conquest, slavery, plunder, and mur-
der). Other writers, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Hannah Arendt, working
from a traditional or a new interpretation of the Marxist framework, placed the
mechanisms of plunder, dispossession, and violence in the context of the debate
over capitalist accumulation. Luxemburg (1967) said that the natural econ-
omy—that of peasants with communal ownership of the land—was in ongoing
resistance to capitalist dispossession. Arendt argued that the need for capitalist
expansion led to a permanent primitive accumulation characterized by plun-
dering of other regions—geographical expansion dominated by the use of vio-
lence. Projects such as neo-extractivist development, the construction of dams,
the cultivation of transgenic crops, the expansion of the housing sector, and the
production of biofuels fit into an accumulation phase characterized by the vio-
lent dispossession of peasants. This process not only transforms the landscape
but uses its resources in an indiscriminate, intensive, predatory, and violent
manner.
David Harvey (2004) argues that the current stage of capitalism is character-
ized by predatory accumulation. Although he stresses financial capital, he also
points to new mechanisms of accumulation by dispossession such as intellec-
tual property, patenting and licensing of genetic materials, and the pillage of
natural resources. The momentum given to biofuel production by the devel-
oped countries in recent years follows from the renewed spatiality of capital in
the context of globalization. It depends upon the transfer of technology and
financial resources and its social and environmental costs. The various capitals
involved have influenced the reorganization of land, positioning themselves in
a hegemonic way as new actors in the struggle over the agricultural spaces of
disadvantaged nations. The geospatialization of the “green” energy strategy of
Europe, the United States, and even countries like Colombia and Brazil has
brought about a new phase of land concentration and a scenario of renewed
conflict. The intense demand for land caused by the crops associated with bio-
fuels has disrupted social reproduction, creating new kinds of socio-environ-
mental violence.
In speaking of socio-environmental violence, we agree with Joseph Nevins’s
(2003: 677) observation that violence should be understood not only in terms of
physical brutality but also in terms of indirect action and social structures that
cause harm. The modality of predatory accumulation in which we have framed
biofuels would fit this definition. Nevins speaks of “environmental violence,”
but we call it “socio-environmental” to highlight its social component.

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