Banking on the Boom, Tripped by the Bust: Banks and the World War I Agricultural Price Shock

AuthorMATTHEW JAREMSKI,DAVID C. WHEELOCK
Published date01 October 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jmcb.12725
Date01 October 2020
DOI: 10.1111/jmcb.12725
MATTHEW JAREMSKI
DAVID C. WHEELOCK
Banking on the Boom, Tripped by the Bust: Banks
and the World War I Agricultural Price Shock
How do banks respond to asset booms? This paper examines (i) how U.S.
banks responded to the WorldWar I farmland boom; (ii) the impact of regu-
lation; and (iii) how bank closures exacerbated the postwar bust. The boom
encouraged new bank formation and balance sheet expansion (especially by
new banks). Deposit insurance amplied the impact of rising crop prices
on bank portfolios, while higher minimum capital requirements dampened
the effects. Banks that responded most aggressively to the asset boom had a
higher probability of closing in the bust, and counties with more bank clo-
sures experienced larger declines in land prices.
JEL codes: E58, N21, N22
Keywords: Asset booms and busts, banks, bank lending, bank entry, bank
closure, deposit insurance, capital requirements, regulation
A     are often intertwined with
lending booms and busts. Although possibly triggered by a fundamental shock, ris-
ing asset prices can stimulate lending and increased leverage, which in turn causes
asset prices to rise further, generating more lending, and so on. Similarly,falling asset
prices can force debt contraction and deleveraging that reinforce the decline in asset
prices. Large declines in asset prices can be disruptive, especially when preceded by
rapid credit growth or involve highly leveraged assets such as real estate (see, e.g.,
Kindleberger 1978, Minsky 1986, Borio and Lowe 2002, Eichengreen and Mitchener
The views are those of the authors and not necessarily ofcial positions of the Federal ReserveBank of
St. Louis or the Federal Reserve System. The authors thank Lee Alston, Mark Carlson, Matteo Crosignani,
Bob DeYoung,Chris Hanes, two anonymous referees, and participants in the 2018 Cliometrics conference,
Central New YorkEconomic History Conference, Economic History Association Annual Meetings, and
NBER Summer Institute for comments.
M J is an associate professor in the Department of Economics and Finance
at Utah State University (E-mail: matthew.jaremski@usu.edu). D C. W is a group
vice president and deputy director of research at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (Email:
david.c.wheelock@stls.frb.org).
Received December 3, 2018; and accepted in revised form June 26, 2019.
Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, Vol. 52, No. 7 (October 2020)
© 2020 The Ohio State University
1720 :MONEY,CREDIT AND BANKING
2004, Reinhart and Rogoff 2009, Schularick and Taylor2012).1The interrelationship
between asset prices and lending booms thus raises important questions, including
how various regulations and policies might affect the vulnerability of the banking
system to asset price shocks, and how bank lending and instability can exacerbate
asset price movements.
Many studies have investigated these questions in the context of the U.S. house
price boom of the early-to-mid 2000s and nancial crisis of 2008–09. For example,
researchers have highlighted the outsized role of the “shadow”banking system in sup-
plying credit that fueled the boom (e.g., Loutskina and Strahan 2009, Mian and Su
2009), while others focused on credit demand (e.g., Dell’Ariccia, Igan, and Laeven
2012, Glaeser, Gottlieb, and Gyourko 2012). Still other studies have examined the
impact of the nancial crisis and bank distress on economic activity during and af-
ter the crisis (e.g., Campello, Graham and Harvey 2010, Ivashina and Scharfstein
2010, Chodorow-Reich 2014, Gertler and Gilchrist 2018). However, the complexity
of modern nancial systems, which include banks with international operations and
off-balance sheet activities as well as shadow banks and other forms of intermedia-
tion, can obscure fundamental relationships. Thus, detailed examinations of episodes
when such factors were not in play can be especially useful for identifying key re-
lationships between asset booms and the banking system, as well as the effects of
different policies that are hard to discern in more complex environments.
This paper studies the interplay of bank lending and asset prices in the boom-bust
cycle affecting U.S. agricultural land prices during and after World War I. Unlike
the recent U.S. house price boom, where the underlying shock or set of shocks that
triggered the boom has proved difcult to identify conclusively, the farmland boom
of the 1910s had a clearly identiable trigger.2The wartime collapse of European
agriculture drove commodity prices sharply higher and constituted an external de-
mand shock that sparked the boom in U.S. farmland prices. However, the boom was
short lived. European production bounced back quickly when the war ended, driving
down crop prices and land values in the United States, and initiating a wave of farm
foreclosures and bank failures in the early 1920s (Alston 1983, Alston, Grove and
Wheelock 1994).
The historical episode is particularly advantageous for studying the interrelation-
ships between lending and asset price booms and busts because bank lending at the
time was decidedly local. Federal law prohibited interstate branch banking, and most
states either prohibited or severely restricted branching within their borders. More-
over, with the automobile still in its infancy and paved roads almost nonexistent
in rural areas, it would have been impractical for most farmers to obtain services
from a bank located more than a few miles from their home. Thus, the balance sheet
1. Theoretical descriptions of how credit cycles can amplify real shocks include Rajan (1994),
Kiyotaki and Moore (1997), Geanakoplos (2010), and Nuˇ
no and Thomas (2017).
2. Studies attribute the U.S. housing boom to, among other things, loose monetary policy (Taylor
2010), a savings glut and heightened demand for safe U.S. nancial assets (Bernanke 2005), a bubble
(Case and Shiller 2003), and nancial market innovations including securitization of subprime mortgages
(Loutskina and Strahan 2009, Mian and Su 2009).
MATTHEWJAREMSKI AND DAVIDC. WHEELOCK :1721
information we observe for individual banks reects their lending to local farmers,
and we can approximate local income shocks using detailed information about crop
production in a bank’s county.3Specically, we calculate a county-specic farm out-
put price shock by applying the annual nation-wide price changes of 11 major crops
to the county output shares of each crop before the war. This provides exogenous
variation both across time and within a state to identify the effects of the price shock.
In two important studies of the episode, Rajan and Ramcharan (2015a, 2016) nd
that counties with more banks experienced larger increases in farmland prices and
mortgage debt during the boom and suffered larger price declines and more bank
failures during the bust. Whereas Rajan and Ramcharan examine the effects of credit
availability (as reected in the number of banks present in a county) and bank sus-
pensions on county-level land prices, here we use biennial balance sheet data for in-
dividual banks in 18 agricultural states for 1908–20 to examine how the price shock
affected (i) the establishment of new banks, (ii) bank portfolio decisions, and (iii) the
determinants of bank closures when farm prices and incomes ultimately collapsed.
The bank-level data enable us to test whether state banking policies amplied or
dampened the impact of asset price shocks on the banking system, and to use an
instrumental variables approach to identify the impact of bank closures on county-
level farmland values during the early 1920s. Our study, thus, provides insights about
the channels by which the asset boom-bust affected the banking system and supply
of credit, the role of government policies, and how banking instability contributed to
the collapse of asset prices when commodity prices began to fall.
Our results show that rising crop prices encouraged entry of new banks and balance
sheet expansion of new and previously established banks. While all banks expanded
their assets and loans, those established during the war were especially aggressive
lenders. New banks accounted for some one-third of the total increase in bank loans
in our sample states between 1914 and 1920, and many increased their portfolio risk
in response to rising crop prices. Similar to shadow banks in modern times, state-
chartered banks responded more strongly to the boom than did more tightly regulated
national banks. Moreover, we nd that deposit insurance amplied the effects of ris-
ing crop prices on bank loan volumes, whereas higher minimum capital requirements
deterred entry and dampened the effects of crop prices on loan growth and risk.
When farm prices and incomes collapsed in the early 1920s, banks that had ex-
panded more during the boom had a higher probability of closing. Recently estab-
lished banks were especially likely to close, as were banks with insured deposits,
higher leverage, or larger shares of their portfolios devoted to loans. Further, banks
located in counties with large increases in land values during the boom were more
likely to close when prices fell. Finally, we nd that bank closures exacerbated the
collapse of farmland values during 1920–25. Thus, our research provides new evi-
dence of how banks can both be affected by and contribute to asset price booms and
busts, and how banking policies can inuence the feedback loop around such events.
3. The county is a reasonable approximation of the area constituting a rural banking market at the time.
Most empirical studies dene banking markets at the MSA or rural county level even in modern times.

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