Assessing the effects of body‐worn cameras on procedural justice in the Los Angeles Police Department*

AuthorJohn D. McCluskey,Lauren Revier,Christine Connor,Craig D. Uchida,Alese Wooditch,Shellie E. Solomon
Published date01 May 2019
Date01 May 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12201
Received: 1 November2017 Revised: 9 October 2018 Accepted: 26 October 2018
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9125.12201
ARTICLE
Assessing the effects of body-worn cameras on
procedural justice in the Los Angeles Police
Department*
John D. McCluskey1Craig D. Uchida2Shellie E. Solomon2
Alese Wooditch3Christine Connor2Lauren Revier2
1Department of Criminal Justice, Rochester Institute of Technology
2Justice & Security Strategies, Inc.
3Department of Criminal Justice, Temple University
Correspondence
JohnD. McCluskey, Department of Criminal
Justice,Rochester Institute of Technology,93
LombMemor ial Drive, GeorgeEastman Hall,
Room2180, Rochester, NY 14623.
Email:John.McCluskey@rit.edu
Fundinginformation
NationalInstitute of Justice, Grant/Award
Number:2014-R2-CX-0101
Additionalsupporting information
canbe found in the listing for this arti-
clein t he WileyOnline Library at
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/
crim.2019.57.issue-2/issuetoc.
Abstract
In this article, we explore variations in procedural jus-
tice delivered in face-to-face encounters with citizens
before and after the implementation of body-worn cameras
(BWCs). We draw on recent advances in the measurement
of procedural justice using systematic social observation of
police in field settings in the Los Angeles Police Depart-
ment. Data collected on 555 police–citizen encounters are
examined in bivariate and multivariate models exploring
the primary hypothesis that BWCs affect procedural justice
delivered by police directly and indirectly. Our results indi-
cate that significant increases in procedural justice during
police–citizen encounters were directly attributable to the
effect of BWCson police behavior as well as to the indirect
We wouldlike to thank our primar y editor,Dr. Brian Johnson, and anonymous reviewers for Criminology who provided helpful
comments, suggestions, and advice that improvedthe final manuscr ipt. There are manypeople who played important roles in the
research that was undertaken, and we thank them for assistingus. Special t hanks go to the NationalInstitute of Justice’s Director
Nancy Rodriguez and Senior Computer Scientist Joel Hunt. Within the Los Angeles Police Department, we are grateful to
Chief Charlie Beck; Deputy Chief Sean Malinowski;CIO Maggie Goodr ich;Lt. Daniel Gomez; Commanders Jorge Rodriguez,
Todd Chamberlain, and Robert Marino; and Captain Mike Rimkunas for their unwaveringsuppor t in allowingus to r ide with
and observe officers. Last, but not least, we thank the patrol officers and supervisors of the Newton and Mission divisions for
accepting us into their lives (howeverbr iefly)to r ide with them and begin to understand their work. This projectwas supported
by Award2014-R2-CX-0101 by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice to the
Los Angeles Police Foundation. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this article are those
of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the U.S. Department of Justice, the Los Angeles Police Department, or the
Los Angeles Police Foundation.
208 © 2019 American Society of Criminology wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/crim Criminology.2019;57:208–236.
MCCLUSKEY ET AL.209
effects on citizen disrespect and other variables. The impli-
cations for policy include explicit measurement and moni-
toring of procedural justice or elements such as officer dis-
courtesy in departments adopting BWCs. Further research
questions such as more detailed examination of citizens’
behavior changes under BWCs are also considered in the
context of the findings.
KEYWORDS
body-worn cameras, procedural justice, systematic social observation
Understanding variations in procedural justice in face-to-face encounters between police and citizens
has taken on added significance in light of officer-involved shootings and as a focus of the President’s
Taskforce on 21st Century Policing (2015) recommendations (e.g., Worden & McLean, 2017). The
widespread adoption of body-worn cameras (BWCs) has been an additional response to a crisis
of legitimacy in contemporary policing with sparse information on its impact on everyday police
encounters (Lum, 2015; Lum, Koper, Merola, Schere, & Reioux, 2015; Miller, 2016). As yet, little
research has been aimed at examining the effects of BWCs on how police service is delivered beyond
examinations of complaints and use-of-force outcomes captured in organizational records (e.g., Ariel,
Farrar, & Sutherland, 2015). Recent results from surveys of citizens, however, indicate that perceived
procedural justice is a more powerful influence on citizen satisfaction than is the presence of cameras
alone mainly because citizens are poor reporters of whether cameras were used (McClure et al., 2017).
Thus, a key question is, net of other variables, do BWCs contribute to positive changes in procedural
justice and its constituent elements delivered by officers? Weaddress that gap by exploring procedural
justice as delivered by police officers in two divisions of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD)
before and after the implementation of BWCs using systematic social observation (SSO) data.
To accomplish this aim, we first frame procedural justice research and key elements from that
theoretical reference point as police behavior amenable to theoretical explanation. Second, we
consider the effects of BWCs and major theoretical domains expected to impact procedural justice
in police–citizen encounters and develop key hypotheses for testing. Third, we outline the research
setting in LAPD, the motivation for the use of SSO methodology, sampling, and the overall data
collection effort undertaken. Fourth, we test hypotheses using bivariate and multivariate models.
Finally, we discuss the implications of the findings framed within the concerns of police managers,
policy makers, and criminal justice theorists.
1PROCEDURAL JUSTICE AND POLICE BEHAVIOR
Procedural justice, as posited by Tyler (2003, 2004, 2006) and his colleagues (Tyler & Fagan, 2006;
Tyler, Goff, & MacCoun, 2015; Tyler & Huo, 2002), is conceived as having two broad elements of
quality decision-making and quality of treatment. Citizens prefer decisions that are fair, thoughtful,
and feature their input, and they likewise prefer decision processes that affirm their dignity and reflect
concern about their well-being as expected from a trustworthy authority. Authorities whose decisions
reflect procedural justice are posited to be more legitimate in the judgment of citizens and are more

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