Are UK alcohol industry political donations intended to influence public health policies? – Analysis of publicly available data on donations and lobbying

Published date01 December 2022
AuthorCrispin Acton,Benjamin Hawkins
Date01 December 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2740
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Are UK alcohol industry political donations intended to
influence public health policies? –Analysis of publicly
available data on donations and lobbying
Crispin Acton
1
| Benjamin Hawkins
2
1
Faculty of Public Health and Policy, London
School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine,
London, UK
2
MRC Epidemiology Unit, University of
Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Correspondence
Crispin Acton, London School of Hygiene &
Tropical Medicine, Keppel Street, London
WC1E 7HT, UK.
Email: crispinacton2@gmail.com
Transnational alcohol corporations seek to influence public health policies in ways
reminiscent of the tobacco industry. Relatively little is known, however, about the
extent of such activities in the alcohol sector, particularly their use of political dona-
tions. This study analyses data from the UK Electoral Commission on donations and
from Transparency International UK on UK Government Ministerial meetings.
Further research is needed to establish whether donations contribute to the dispro-
portionate exposure of Ministers to alcohol industry lobbying. However, our combi-
nation of data on UK alcohol industry donations with data on lobbying provides
important new evidence. Most larger company donors are active in lobbying and a
significant minority of companies meeting Ministers are donors.
KEYWORDS
alcohol industry, corporate political action, lobbying strategies, political donations, tobacco
industry
1|INTRODUCTION
Previous studies have found that transnational tobacco corporations
(TTCs) and transnational alcohol corporations (TACs) employ highly
similar political strategies, including lobbying and attempts to frame
public debates, in order to influence public health policies (Hawkins
et al., 2018). Compared to the now extensive literature on TTCs,
significant gaps exist in the evidence on the policy influencing activi-
ties of the alcohol industry, particularly their use of political donations
(Hawkins et al., 2012). This aspect of political strategy is critical to
understanding how the alcohol industry seeks to influence policy and
to considerations of whether industry actors should be involved in
policy making and delivery and how the independence of these
processes can be safeguarded (Hawkins et al., 2018).
Internal tobacco industry documents, many released following the
1998 Master Settlement Agreement,demonstrate an intention by large
tobacco companies to influence tobacco control policies in the USA
through political and campaign contributions (Clawson et al., 1998,
pp. 135–136; Givel & Glantz, 2001; Nixon & Glantz, 2002;Spivak&
Givel, 2005).
McMenamin (2013, p. 11), looking at corporate donations
broadly, argues that: ‘An enormous effort by American political scien-
tists has failed to show a consistently convincing link between dona-
tions and political decisions’.
There are methodological challenges in showing such a link. Even
so, statisticalstudies have related the votingbehaviour of US Congress
members and California legislatorson tobacco related bills to campaign
contributions, controllingfor party, and other factors, finding a relation-
ship between contributions and voting behaviourand between individ-
ual policy stances and contributions given in reward (Glantz &
Begay, 1994; Luke & Krauss, 2004;Monardi&Glantz,1998;
Robbins, 2016).Other studies have not been ableto show such effects
at federal orstate level (Bergan, 2010; Wright,2004).
Studies of tobacco industry political donations outside the
USA are rare. Two systematic reviews of tobacco industry
influencing activities do not cover political donations at all (Savell
et al., 2014;Smithetal.,2013). Some studies touch on donations
as part of a broader review of industry political activities,
with very limited analyses of the intentions behind p olitical dona-
tions (Alexander et al., 1997;Barnsleyetal.,2017; Cooper &
Received: 18 March 2021 Revised: 28 July 2021 Accepted: 30 July 2021
DOI: 10.1002/pa.2740
J Public Affairs. 2022;22(Suppl. 1):e2740. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pa © 2021 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 1of9
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2740

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