Are the Effects of Adverse Childhood Experiences on Violent Recidivism Offense-Specific?

Published date01 January 2021
AuthorHaley R. Zettler,Jessica M. Craig
Date01 January 2021
DOI10.1177/1541204020939638
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Are the Effects of Adverse
Childhood Experiences on
Violent Recidivism
Offense-Specific?
Jessica M. Craig
1
and Haley R. Zettler
1
Abstract
A growing body of literature has found that exposure to child maltreatment and other forms of family
dysfunction, often conceptualized as Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), are associated with
delinquent and criminal behavior. Recent research has indicated that the effects of ACEs on offending
may differ not only by offense type but also by sex and race/ethnicity. However, no study to-date has
investigated the effects of ACEs on violent-specific recidivism, nor how these effects differ by sex-
and racial/ethnic-specific subgroups. The current study seeks to address this gap by examining a large,
diverse sample of serious delinquents institutionalized in a large southern state. The results indicated
that while ACEs increased the likelihood of being rearrested for any violent felony, the effects were
particularly strong for domestic violence and sexual offenses among white females and minority
males. A discussion of these findings are presented, along with the limitations of the study.
Keywords
trauma, violence, recidivism, sex differences, race differences
Introduction
A growing body of literature has found that exposure to child maltreatment and other forms of family
dysfunction are associated with antisocial behavior, including violence (Crimmins et al., 2000; Fox
et al., 2015). This literature, often conceptualizing trauma exposure as Adverse Childhood Experi-
ences (ACEs), has joined a large body of literature starting in the public health domain that has found
exposure to childhood trauma increases the likelihood of a large range of negative outcomes, such as
chronic disease, reduced education and employment attainment, early onset of sexual promiscuity,
and early death (Drury et al., 2017; Felitti et al., 1998; Hillis et al., 2001, 2004; Vaughn et al., 2017).
1
Department of Criminal Justice, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jessica M. Craig, Department of Criminal Justice, University of North Texas, 410 S. Avenue C, Chilton Hall, 273 L, Denton,
TX 76203, USA.
Email: jessica.craig@unt.edu
Youth Violence and JuvenileJustice
2021, Vol. 19(1) 27-44
ªThe Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1541204020939638
journals.sagepub.com/home/yvj
Traditionally, scholars include the following ten ACEs: physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual
abuse, physical neglect, emotional neglect, household substance abuse, violent treatment toward
mother, parental separation or divorce, household mental illness, and having a household member
with incarceration history (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2020). An individ-
ual’s ACE score is calculated by summing the number of different events they have experienced
where each type of ACE can only be counted once. Thus, an ACE score can range from 0, indicating
the individual experienced no ACEs between birth and age 18, to 10, indicating they have experi-
enced all ACEs at least once during that time. Scholars argue it is important to study all ACEs
together, as opposed to separately, as the events have been found to be strongly correlated with one
another and have lasting, cumulative effects on brain development (Anda et al., 2006, 2010; Cic-
chetti, 2013; Teicher et al., 2003). Among a sample of high-risk juvenile offenders, Baglivio and
Epps (2016) found that among youth experiencing one ACE, 67.5%reported four or more ACEs and
24.5%reported six or more additional ACEs, demonstrating the interrelatedness of ACEs among
juvenile offenders.
Though it has only been in the past few years criminologists have assessed the specific relation-
ship between ACEs and crime, the most recent work has started to examine how the effects of ACEs
on offending may differ not only by crime type but also by sex and race/ethnicity (DeLisi et al.,
2017; Fagan & Novak, 2018). For example, DeLisi and his colleagues (2017) found ACEs tended to
increase the likelihood of engaging in sexual offenses but had inconsistent effects with respect to
homicide, particularly among racial/ethnic subgroups. However, they focused specifically on com-
mitment offenses, not recidivism. While prior research has found an association between ACEs and
recidivism in general, no study to-date has investigated the effects of ACEs on violent-specific
recidivism, nor how these effects differ by sex- and racial/ethnic-specific subgroups. The current
study seeks to address this gap by examining a large, diverse sample of serious delinquents, insti-
tutionalized in a large southern state. Prior to discussing the results of our study, we first provide an
overview of the literature on the effects of trauma on later violence, as well as how these effects
differ by race/ethnicity and sex.
Adverse Childhood Experiences/Trauma and Violence
A wealth of research has examined the relationship between trauma and aggressive or violent behavior
(Crimmins et al., 2000; Fox et al., 2015; Orth & Wieland, 2006; Taft et al., 2011; Wolfe et al., 2004).
Explanations of this relationship largely focus on the process by which trauma impacts affect regu-
lation and impaired cognitive functioning (Baer & Maschi, 2003; Garrison & Stolberg, 1983; Ingram
& Kendall, 1986). Complex trauma (i.e. experiencing multiple or chronic traumatic events) can lead to
problems across various psychosocial domains and result in reactive aggression (Cook et al., 2003;
Ford et al., 2012). Ford (2002) argued that early traumatic experiences in childhood disrupts central
aspects of brain and personality development, including the ability to self-regulate.
It is proposed that early childhood victimization leads to dysregulation of emotional and social
information processing, resulting in severe and persistent problems with oppositional-defiance and
aggression, which is then compounded by post-traumatic reactivity and hypervigilance (Ford et al.,
2006). Pollak and colleagues (2000) arg ue that adverse childhood experiences (A CEs) such as
physical abuse and emotional neglect can result in hyper-reactivity and difficulties in discriminating
emotional expressions. Thus, victimized children may rely on their detection of anger, putting them
in a hyper-vigilant state. A national survey of 118 clinicians specializing in child trauma caseloads
found that 50%of their clients reported disturbances in affect regulation, attention and concentra-
tion, as well as aggressive and risk-taking behavior (Spinazzola et al., 2005).
A number of self-report studies lend support for the proposed relationship between trauma expo-
sure and subsequent violent behavior. A study of high school students found that violence exposure
28 Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 19(1)

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT