Are Non-U.S. Citizens Color-Blind? The Racialization of Violent Crimes

AuthorDonald C. Hummer,Daniela Barberi,Shaun L. Gabbidon,Eileen M. Ahlin
Published date01 October 2021
Date01 October 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/2153368718808342
Subject MatterArticles
Are Non-U.S. Citizens
Color-Blind? The Racialization
of Violent Crimes
Daniela Barberi
1
, Eileen M. Ahlin
2
,
Donald C. Hummer
2
, and Shaun L. Gabbidon
2
Abstract
The present study aims to investigate whether U.S. citizenship status influences the
racialization of offenders engaged in homicide, sexual violence, and terrorism. The
role of social media exposure and interracial contact are explored as additional
proximal factors that may explain racialization across citizenship status. The cross-
sectional online survey consisted of 729 participants enrolled at a culturally diverse
northeastern university. Results suggest that non-U.S. citizens have a more color-blind
perspective and are less likely to racialize crime when associating a particular race/
ethnicity with violent crimes. Surprisingly, social media exposure and interracial
contact were not significant contributors to racialization. Suggestions for future
research and policy implications are discussed.
Keywords
race/ethnicity, racialization, color-blind, prejudices, citizenship
Introduction
Extensive scholarly evidence within the field of criminology reveals consistent and
reliable findings related to violence, such as males commit more violent crimes than
females (Lauritsen, Heimer, & Lynch, 2009; Steffensmeier, Schwartz, Zhong, &
Ackerman, 2005), violence is largely perpetrated by youth (Elliott, 1994; Loeber,
Jennings, Ahonen, Piquero, & Farrington, 2017), and the United States has higher
1
George Mason University, Fairfax, VA, USA
2
Penn State Harrisburg, Middletown, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Daniela Barberi, George Mason University, 4400 University Drive, Enterprise Hall, Room 354, Fairfax,
VA 22030, USA.
Email: dbarberi@gmu.edu
Race and Justice
ªThe Author(s) 2018
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DOI: 10.1177/2153368718808342
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2021, Vol. 11(4) 454–\ 474
Article
rates of violent crime than other first-world countries (Grinshteyn & Hemenway,
2016). Findings of this nature have been widely corroborated by scholars across the
United States and throughout the world among different races and ethnicities.
Equally important is what the research cannot definitively tell us about violent
crime. Despite the common perception that violent crime might be related to certain
racial or ethnic groups, this belief, referred to as racialization of crime, has not been
empirically supported. Even though research has shown that arrest, conviction, and
incarceration rates for violent crimes do vary by race/ethnicity (Federal Bureau of
Investigation [FBI], 2016), violent crime cannot be wholly attributed to one racial or
ethnic group. While data fail to show that members of one race or ethnicity are more
prone to criminal behavior (Higgins & Gabbidon, 2015; King, 2015), the Uniform
Crime Reports indicate that the proportion of Blacks and Latinos charged with violent
crimes is higher than their prevalence in the U.S. population, which may contribute to
racialized perceptions (FBI, 2016).
Such incongruence suggests there are underlying differences in criminal activity,
discrepancies in case processing by the criminal justice system (CJS), or both. Despite
evidence refuting a racial/ethnic basis for violence, it is possible that discriminatory
practices in policing, court, and/or corrections explain higher rates of criminal justice
involvement among Blacks (see Russell-Brown, 2009; Tonry, 2011; Walker, Spohn,
& DeLone, 2018). There is evidence to suggest disparities may reflect established
systemic biases at the macro level, but less is known about how individuals perceive
who is committing violent offenses (Katz, 2016). Interestingly, there is some evidence
to suggest that exposure to systemic biases could influence citizen stereotypes and
opinions at large (see Hetey & Eberhardt, 2018).
Public opinion research is among the most published scholarship across the social
sciences. It is typically used as a barometer of the views that ordinary citizens have on
specific topics. One stream of this research suggests that views on the disproportionate
involvement of racial/ethnic minorities in the CJS continue to be racialized (see
Nelson, Gabbidon, & Boisvert, 2015; Unnever, 2008). Official crime data and media
coverage of the CJS processing can influence citizens’ perceptions about violent
offenders and which racial/ethnic groups are more likely to engage in violent crimes.
Such reports are often accompanied by racial or ethnic descriptors, which might
influence the perceptions of minorities being more involved in such crimes (Pelfrey,
Keener, & Perkins, 2018). The racialization of crime can also develop from a lack of
interracial/interethnic relationships. Positive, frequent, and meaningful interracial
contact can reduce negative racial attitudes (Bohmert & DeMaris, 2015; Sigelman &
Welch, 1993) and may influence ordinary citizens’ ideas about which group is more
prone to commit violent crimes.
Less explored in the public opinion literature devoted to crime is whether one’s
citizenship status influences respondents’ views on who commits violent crime.
Recent political and media attention on issues related to immigration and ethnicity,
particularly on individuals of Middle Eastern and Latin-American origins, heightens
the need to understand whether racialized perceptions of criminality are imported
or represent a United States phenomenon (Hughey, 2017; Nakamura, 2017). With
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Barberi et al.

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