Are Honor Killings Unique? A Comparison of Honor Killings, Domestic Violence Homicides, and Hate Homicides by Far-Right Extremists

DOI10.1177/1088767917736796
Date01 February 2018
Published date01 February 2018
AuthorColleen E. Mills,Steven M. Chermak,Joshua D. Freilich,Brittany E. Hayes
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767917736796
Homicide Studies
2018, Vol. 22(1) 70 –93
© 2017 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/1088767917736796
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Article
Are Honor Killings Unique?
A Comparison of Honor
Killings, Domestic Violence
Homicides, and Hate
Homicides by Far-Right
Extremists
Brittany E. Hayes1, Colleen E. Mills2,
Joshua D. Freilich3, and Steven M. Chermak4
Abstract
This study compared honor killings, domestic violence homicides, and hate
homicides committed by far-right extremists. Prior research has suggested that
terrorists may differ from “regular” offenders whereas others suggest similarities.
Data from the Extremist Crime Database were used to compare honor killings
committed in the United States since 1990 to domestic violence and hate
homicides (N = 48). Open-source documents were closed coded for criminal
justice involvement, domestic violence history, motivation, and offenders’ mental
illness. Honor killings were more likely to have a history of domestic violence in
open sources than hate homicides, suggesting these three homicides may be more
similar than different.
Keywords
femicide, gender, intimate partner, victim–offender relationship, honor killing,
extremism, hate homicide
1Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA
2Pennsylvania State University, Abington, USA
3City University of New York, New York City, USA
4Michigan State University, East Lansing, USA
Corresponding Author:
Brittany E. Hayes, Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Sam Houston State University, 816
17th Street, Huntsville, TX 77340, USA.
Email: behayes4@shsu.edu
736796HSXXXX10.1177/1088767917736796Homicide StudiesHayes et al.
research-article2017
Hayes et al. 71
This study examines the characteristics of honor killings, domestic violence homi-
cides, and hate homicides committed by far-right extremists to identify commonalities
and differences across these three seemingly distinct types of homicides based on
ideas of Perry (2001) and Hirschi and Gottfredson (2001). We examine prior involve-
ment with the criminal justice system generally, history of domestic violence, the
motivation for the incident, and offenders’ claims of mental illness for each of the
three homicide types. Little is known about if, and how honor killings are distinct from
domestic violence homicides and hate homicides. Prior research, in fact, has stated
that the definition of an honor killing is contextual and often unclear (Shier & Shor,
2016). Our goal in identifying the similarities and differences across these homicide
types is to extend and refine theorizing on these topics. Below, we conceptualize honor
killings, domestic violence homicides, and hate homicides, and discuss each crime’s
characteristics, including the typical victim–offender relationship and potential
motivations.
Honor Killings
Honor killings are conceptualized as violent acts committed by one or more per-
petrators, generally a male, to restore honor to their family in response to the vic-
tim’s perceived violation of familial honor codes or misbehaviors that are believed
to shame the family (Kulwicki, 2002). This definition consists of several compo-
nents. First, a violent act, which can be fatal or nonfatal, must be committed
(Cooney, 2014). It estimated that 5,000 women and children are killed annually in
honor killings (United Nations Population Fund, 2000), though this estimate likely
underreports the true numbers (Wikan, 2008). The second component holds that
the victim is targeted because the perpetrator(s) believed the victim’s actual or
alleged behavior violated an honor code. The victim’s real or perceived behaviors
are believed by the perpetrator(s) to cause shame to the family. Studies find that
females may “dishonor” their family by violating or being perceived to violate
female chastity norms, including loss of virginity before marriage, infidelity
(Baker, Gregware, & Cassidy, 1999; Cooney, 2014; Kulwicki, 2002), interacting
socially with nonfamily males (Akpinar, 2003), or acting autonomously by, for
example, gaining an education, leaving an abusive husband, or dressing how she
wants (Hayes, Freilich, & Chermak, 2016; Hasan, 2002; İnce, Yarali, & Özsel,
2009; Pope, 2012). Finally, the offender(s) believes the violent act will restore
their family’s honor. Overall, what is important is that the concept of honor serves
as a mechanism to reinforce and legitimate patriarchy within particular cultures
(Baker et al., 1999).
Prior research finds the victim–offender relationship differs depending upon the
country in which the honor killing is committed and that one or more offenders can
commit the act. Kulwicki (2002) concludes brothers and extended kin are more likely
to commit honor killings outside the United States. In comparison, Hayes and col-
leagues (2016) report the most frequent perpetrator of an American honor killing is the
victim’s father followed by the victim’s current or estranged spouse.

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