Are African Americans Effectively Represented in Congress?

• Date: 01 March 2011
• Author: Michael Keane,John D. Griffin
• Published date: 01 March 2011
• DOI: 10.1177/1065912909340894
• Subject Matter: Articles

Political Research Quarterly
64(1) 145 –156
Are African Americans Effectively
© 2011 University of Utah
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Represented in Congress?
DOI: 10.1177/1065912909340894
http://prq.sagepub.com
John D. Griffin1 and Michael Keane1
Abstract
The authors relate the racial composition of districts to five measures of legislative activity and position in the 101st to
106th Congresses: bill introduction, colleague cosponsorship, bill passage, committee portfolio, and party leadership.
The authors find that African American constituents generally are represented by less active and less well-positioned
legislators on four of the five measures. They also explore the origin of these disparities. Two of the disparities (bill
passage and party leadership) are partly explained by the tendency of districts with larger African American populations
to be less electorally competitive. A third disparity (committee portfolio) is accounted for by the tendency of larger
African American populations to be represented by African American members of Congress.
Keywords
Congress, African Americans, representation, political competition, legislative effectiveness
Are citizens represented equally in Congress? Political
potential source of the unequal representation of African
scientists have long noted that the malapportionment of the
American constituents—less active and less well-positioned
Senate means that some citizens have more influence than
representatives. As we develop below, there are several
others in that chamber (Dahl 1956; Lee and Oppenheimer
theoretical reasons to expect that African Americans are
1999). The roughly equal size of House districts since
disadvantaged in this way. Our initial contribution is simply
Wesberry v. Sanders (1964) largely averts this specific
to describe racial differences between citizens in the
problem, but citizens still may not exert equal influence in
effectiveness of their MCs. Then, we examine whether
the decisions of the chamber. The reason is that Representa-
any differences we uncover are attributable to African
tives are not equally active and well positioned in the law-
American citizens’ greater likelihood of being represented
making process (e.g., Box-Steffensmeier and Grant 1999;
by an African American MC or to African Americans’
Miquel and Snyder 2006). Certain legislators are more
greater likelihood of living in uncompetitive districts.
active than others in sponsoring bills, convincing colleagues
Following many studies, we measure legislative activity
to cosponsor them, and advancing them to passage. Some
in three ways: introducing bills, securing colleague cospon-
members of Congress (MCs) sit on key committees such
sorship, and seeing sponsored legislation pass the House
as Ways and Means and Rules or hold positions in the party
(e.g., Frantzich 1979; Schiller 1995; Box-Steffensmeier and
leadership, while others do not. This disparity among MCs,
Grant 1999; Wawro 2000; Jeydel and Taylor 2003).1 In
together with the uneven distribution of politically relevant
addition, we seek to tap into how well-positioned legislators
groups of citizens across districts, creates the possibility that
are to influence the lawmaking process with measures of
some groups are represented by more effective MCs than
their committee assignments and whether they serve in their
are other groups.
party’s leadership. These are not the only dimensions of
In this study, we relate the percentage of each district’s
legislative effectiveness; indeed, representatives participate
population that is African American to the effectiveness
of the district’s legislator. We focus on African Americans
because this group has struggled to have its policy prefer-
1University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana
ences realized in government decisions (e.g., Guinier 1994;
Corresponding Authors:
Hero 1998). This inequality is often attributed to this
John D. Griffin, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of
group’s somewhat lower rate of political participation
Notre Dame
(Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995), the legacy of its
E-mail: John.Griffin@nd.edu.
exclusion from the political system (Kousser 1999), and
Michael Keane, PhD Candidate in Political Science, University of
the dearth of elected African American officials (Canon
Notre Dame
1999; Tate 2003), among other factors. We examine another
E-mail: mkeane2@nd.edu.

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146
Political Research Quarterly 64(1)
daily in a variety of other symbolic and substantive activities
specialists on certain issues may be more effective (Frantzich
as they seek to represent their constituents. However, secur-
1979; Weissert 1991; Volden and Wiseman 2008). Finally,
ing preferred committee assignments and election or appoint-
Miquel and Snyder found that legislative effectiveness itself
ment to party leadership positions, sponsoring legislation,
predicts later effectiveness because effective legislators are
and working to have legislation passed are important ele-
more likely to advance to important chamber and committee
ments of legislative life and can substantially affect the ability
leadership positions.
of legislators to represent the policy desires of their constitu-
Other research has focused on the consequences of
ents and ultimately constituents’ well-being. As we discuss
effectiveness for legislators’ campaign donations and
in our conclusion, even if African American constituents
electoral success (Frantzich 1979; Schiller 1995; Box-
care more about symbolic or descriptive representation than
Steffensmeier and Grant 1999; Wawro 2000; Jeydel and
about their representatives’ lawmaking activities, we might
Taylor 2003; Miquel and Snyder 2006). In general, these
rightly be concerned if their MCs are less effective in these
studies have found that effective legislators are rewarded
important ways. Indeed, African Americans’ unique expecta-
at the ballot box and in their campaign coffers. For example,
tions of their representatives may be a legacy of lawmaking
Box-Steffensmeier and Grant found that Representatives
practices that have often ignored and worked against African
whose proposed bills are passed receive higher levels of
Americans’ interests.
political action committee contributions. Mondak (1995)
Using these measures of legislative activity and position,
and Wawro (2000) found that effective legislators are more
we find that African American citizens appear to be repre-
likely to win reelection.
sented by less active and less well-positioned legislators in
Still other research has examined whether there are racial
four areas—bill sponsorship, bill passage, committee port-
and gender disparities in effectiveness among legislators.
folio, and party leadership status. We then show that African
One study compared the proportion of African Americans
American constituents’ tendency to be represented by MCs
on each House committee to the total proportion of African
who sponsor fewer bills obtains even when the district is
Americans in the House and found that African Americans
not represented by an African American MC and regardless
were underrepresented on all four prestige committees in
of the district’s competitiveness. In contrast, we find that
both the 104th and 107th Congresses (Haynie 2005). It also
African American constituents tend not to be represented
showed that the proportion of all African American subcom-
by MCs who have their bills passed and are appointed to
mittee assignments on prestige committees declined from
party leadership positions, in part because they tend to live
16% in the 104th House to 4.4% in the 107th and that African
in less competitive districts. We also find that African
Americans were more likely to sit on policy, constituency,
American citizens are only represented by MCs with less
or “black interest” subcommittees than on prestige subcom-
valuable committee assignments when African Americans
mittees in both Congresses. In the 103rd House, when Demo-
are represented by African American MCs. Finally, we
crats were in the majority, African Americans were not less
explore some of the potential reasons that African American
likely to sit on prestige committees and actually held more
MCs tend to hold less prized committee portfolios, and we
(nonprestige) committee assignments on average (Canon
are able to rule out several possibilities.
1999, 183-86). Other studies showed that racial/ethnic minor-
ity MCs were more likely than whites to hold party leadership
Background
positions in the 102nd to 104th Congresses (see also Canon
1999) and less likely than whites to hold party leadership
Many studies have explored the within-legislature deter-
positions in the 105th to 108th Congresses (Heberlig and
minants of what they term legislators’ institutional “effec-
Larson 2007). In state legislatures, African Americans have
tiveness.”2 For instance, legislators who have been in office
scored lower than their colleagues on various measures of
longer are more likely to excel on a variety of effectiveness
legislator effectiveness (Bratton and Haynie 1999; Haynie
measures (Frantzich 1979; Meyer 1980; Schiller 1995;
2001, 101; Haynie 2002). For instance, a study of five state
Box-Steffensmeier and Grant 1999; Miquel and Snyder
legislatures found that in no state were African American
2006)....