An Opportunity Squandered With Total Impunity

AuthorPenelope Fenner-Crisp
PositionIndependent consultant working with the Environmental Protection Network. She is a former division director in EPA's Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics
Pages56-56
56  Reprinted by permission from The Environmental Forum®, May/June 2021.
Copyright © 2021, Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, D.C. www.eli.org.
THE DEBATE
sented an unreasonable risk.
e Environmental Protection
Network (and many others) submit-
ted comments on these drafts, as did
the agency’s own external Science
Advisory Committee on Chemicals.
ese comments identied missing
and awed information and analysis.
Among the most signicant blun-
ders was the use of an unvetted, ill-
conceived systematic review process
for study identication, selection,
grading, and evaluation.
e draft risk evaluations excluded
some existing and all legacy conditions
of use from evaluation. EPA failed to
employ Section 4 of the law to require
chemical sponsors to ll critical data
gaps. Furthermore, the agency did
not account for these data deciencies
when deriving benchmark margins of
exposure, a key metric in the determi-
nation of unreasonable risk.
Other deciencies led to underesti-
mation of risks to workers, consumers,
and bystanders. e agency refused
to incorporate ambient environmen-
tal exposures into the consumer/
bystander evaluations or to aggregate
inhalation, dermal, and oral exposures
in any evaluation. EPA further relied
on misguided assumptions in its occu-
pational risk determinations, claiming
workers would use personal protective
equipment. But the agency had little
assurance that companies provide PPE
routinely to workers, that the equip-
ment ts properly, and that it was
worn throughout the work shift.
Finally, not all risk evaluations in-
cluded detailed, specic ndings for
susceptible or higher-risk subpopula-
tions (e.g., children, pregnant women,
those with signicant health condi-
tions), as mandated in the law.
In a nal act of disregard, the
Trump EPA scheduled the scientic
peer reviews of the draft evaluations
during, rather than after, the public
review and comment period. is de-
prived the SACC’s independent expert
reviewers of valuable insights for their
consideration.
e nal risk evaluations for the 10
chemicals were released in late 2020
and early January 2021. But the agen-
cy repaired none of the aws in re-
sponse to public input. Furthermore,
it pursued no risk mitigation measures
in which the agency identied sig-
nicant acute risks of concern. EPA
brushed o requests to immediately
propose and promulgate rules under
Section 6(a) and use its authority
under Section 6(d) to expedite their
eective dates.
To add insult to injury, rules pro-
posed on three chemicals prior to
January 2017 gathered dust for four
years, only to be wiped o the agency’s
regulatory agenda in late December
2020, forcing EPA to start the rule-
making process all over again.
So, how can the agency rectify this
ignominious implementation of the
new TSCA program for existing chem-
icals? e good news is that the Biden
administration has already expressed its
commitment to review and overhaul
it. I believe it can be done without
having to revise the rules that govern
prioritization and risk evaluation. e
Ninth Circuit has held that exclusion
of legacy uses and associated disposal
contradicts TSCA’s plain language and,
therefore, they will be evaluated.
e recent report from the Na-
tional Academy of Sciences made it
clear that the systematic review guid-
ance requires signicant modication
and consistency of approach across the
agency. In a recent letter to EPA, the
Environmental Protection Network
recommended a path forward, using
Section 4 of the law, to ll critical data
gaps without compromising mandat-
ed timelines. Proper coordination of
peer review and public comment can
occur through better planning and
time management. e other aws
can be xed by revising internal risk
assessment guidance and practices.
Let’s hope, in the end, that Charlie
Brown’s tree will be reincarnated as a
blue spruce, after all.




and Toxics.
An Opportunity
Squandered With
Total Impunity

The headline above sums up
the Trump administration’s
implementation of the new
Toxic Substances Control
Act. While the law made some
modications to the process for
evaluating new chemicals prior to
their introduction into commerce,
the most signicant changes were to
EPA’s review of existing chemicals.
e new statute streamlines the
process for requesting new data
from the regulated community,
lowering the burden of proof for
identifying potential risk and replac-
ing rulemaking with test orders.
e law creates a three-step process:
priority setting, risk evaluation, and
risk management. e law carefully
separates risk evaluation, which de-
termines whether or not a chemical
poses an “unreasonable risk,” and
risk management. An “unreasonable
risk” nding then obliges the agency
to consider non-risk factors when
selecting risk management options.
So, what grade does the previous
administration earn for implementing
this new existing chemicals program?
In my view, a big, fat “F.” Here’s why.
e rules for prioritization and
risk evaluation were proposed in mid-
January 2017 and nalized after the
Trump administration took oce. By
then, the promise of transformation
into a majestic blue spruce looked
more like Charlie Brown’s woeful
Christmas tree, with drooping branch-
es bereft of needles.
is shift was not immediately
apparent but unfolded as the agency
released draft risk evaluations for the
rst 10 chemicals for review and com-
ment. Detailed scrutiny revealed what
had been stripped from the tree, dis-
closing the agency’s moves to identify
as few scenarios as possible that pre-

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