An Assessment of the Knowledge, Support, and Behavior Surrounding the Implementation of the Prison Rape Elimination Act

Published date01 July 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231164966
AuthorHayden P. Smith,Frank Ferdik,Creaig Dunton,Qassim Bolaji
Date01 July 2023
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2023, Vol. 50, No. 7, July 2023, 1016 –1034.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231164966
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2023 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
1016
AN ASSESSMENT OF THE KNOWLEDGE,
SUPPORT, AND BEHAVIOR SURROUNDING THE
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PRISON RAPE
ELIMINATION ACT
HAYDEN P. SMITH
University of South Carolina
FRANK FERDIK
Austin Peay State University
CREAIG DUNTON
Western New England University
QASSIM BOLAJI
University of South Carolina
The Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) was designed to eliminate from corrections systems all acts of sexual violence.
PREA’s success will be determined by whether corrections staff and incarcerated persons support this law, understand its
legal elements, and are enforcing it according to it’s original intentions. To date, few studies have examined whether members
of both populations do indeed support PREA, and whether they are enforcing it correctly. To explore these issues, question-
naire data were collected from corrections staff (N = 222) and incarcerated persons (N = 490) housed in three medium-level
security prisons located in the southeastern United States. While both groups expressed personal support for PREA, neither
perceived the other as supportive of this law. Moreover, while an overwhelming majority of each sample responded correctly
to questions about PREA, there were some incorrect answers too, specifically with regard to mandatory reporting procedures.
Policy implications are discussed.
Keywords: Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA); decision-making; corrections staff; incarcerated populations; sexual
violence; prison
The challenge of addressing sexual violence occurring in the correctional system has
long been acknowledged. Decades of research indicate that sexual assault and/or
harassment are problematic behaviors within jails, prisons, and other forms of corrections
(Buehler, 2021; Davis, 1968; Gaes & Goldberg, 2004; Lockwood, 1980), resulting in a
range of negative health issues for survivors. Common responses to sexual victimization
include, but are not limited to, depression, anxiety, sleep disorders, rape trauma syndrome,
AUTHORS’ NOTE: We have no known conflicts of interest. Correspondence concerning this article should
be addressed to Hayden P. Smith, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of South
Carolina, 1305 Greene St., Columbia, SC 29208; e-mail: smithhp@mailbox.sc.edu.
1164966CJBXXX10.1177/00938548231164966Criminal Justice and BehaviorSmith et al. / Knowledge, Behavior and Support of PREA
research-article2023
Smith et al. / KNOWLEDGE, BEHAVIOR AND SUPPORT OF PREA 1017
as well as self-harming, suicidal ideation, and suicidal behaviors. Sexual assault survivors
may also experience physical injuries, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and are at
greater risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections (Buehler, 2021). In total, sexual
victimization occurring in corrections can lead to consequences that are often serious, long
term, and manifold.
While early studies reported the presence of sexual violence in corrections, it was not
until a 2001 Human Rights Watch report was published that the issue of sexual misconduct
in jails and prisons gained much needed attention. Here, interviews with 220 incarcerated
persons across 37 U.S. states revealed a high prevalence of sexual violence occurring in
prison, with participants who survived such traumatic experiences expressing feelings of
fear, regret, anxiety, despair, and anger, with several also self-reporting repeated attempts at
suicide (Human Rights Watch, 2001). Prior to this publication, the issue of sexual violence
occurring in corrections was largely ignored, minimized, or dismissed as a joke (perspec-
tives that are still reinforced by mass media; see Smyth, 2011). Struckman-Johnson and
Struckman-Johnson (2006) even found that incarcerated survivors of sexual violence were
routinely portrayed as “persons deemed unworthy trapped behind walls with their sexual
assailants” (p. 1591). The release of the Human Rights Watch report though generated pub-
lic outcry over conditions of confinement, leading a coalition of health care professionals,
victim advocates, human rights workers, civil rights activists, scholars, and legislators to
work toward improving how sexual violence was being addressed within corrections facili-
ties. This reform movement led to the U.S. Congress unanimously passing the Prison Rape
Elimination Act (PREA) in 2003.
PREA relies on a comprehensive approach to the American correctional system, with
application to federal and state prisons, local jails, private facilities, police detention centers
and lockups, immigration detention centers, military prisons, and Indian county facilities
(Smith, 2020a). The development of national standards for the detection, prevention, reduc-
tion, reporting, and institutional responses to sexual harassment and/or sexual abuse consti-
tuted a fundamental goal of the PREA legislation (Rudes et al., 2020). This places value on
evidence-based policy implementation, with partnerships between the Bureau of Justice
Statistics (BJS), health and human rights organizations, scholars, and correctional agencies
being crucial. Central to PREA is a “zero-tolerance” approach to sexual assault and/or and
harassment, with agencies endorsing a response, report, and investigate model for every
sexual assault allegation received.
To achieve these goals, implementation efforts surrounding PREA emphasize the need
for training, socialization, and culture change in correctional administrators, officers, other
staff, as well as members of the incarcerated population. Perspectives of and decisions
undertaken toward PREA by these collective groups are fundamental determinants of
whether it will achieve its desired goals of eradicating from institutional environments all
acts of sexual violence. In short, PREA cannot succeed without either the support for, or
effective enforcement of, this law by both corrections staff and incarcerated people. Since
concern persists over the continued occurrence of sexual violence within corrections,
despite the existence of PREA, it therefore becomes important to empirically examine how
this federal legislation is being received and applied by the individuals tasked with enforc-
ing it. To address this issue, questionnaire data were collected from incarcerated persons
and corrections staff housed in three medium-level state prisons located in the southeastern
United States. Insights gathered from each group may educate interested stakeholders into

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