An Antiracist Index for State Level Assessment

• Author: Samantha June Larson
• Published date: 01 September 2022
• Date: 01 September 2022
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1177/0160323X221089639
• Subject Matter: Research Articles

An Antiracist Index for State

Level Assessment

Samantha June Larson

Abstract

In 2020, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security identif‌ied white supremacists as the most lethal

threat in America. White supremacy is a system rooted in racist policies and ideas that produce and

normalize racial inequities. Combatting white supremacism thus requires identif‌ication and promo-

tion of antiracist policies, actions, and systemic changes. This study constructs an Antiracist Index

comprised of 15 indicators to assess the degree to which American states exhibit antiracist condi-

tions across political, economic, and cultural dimensions. Indices are rank-ordered for all 50 states,

from Very High to Very Low scores. Results demonstrate that three indicators—self-defense laws, gun

ownership, and support for Black Lives Matter—primarily impact both high and low ranking states.

The Antiracism Index thus serves as an exploratory assessment tool which enables state-by-state

comparisons, identif‌ication of antiracist indicators, and the ability to monitor changes in racism

and antiracism moving forward.

Keywords

antiracist, white supremacy, social equity, state government

Introduction

In September of 2020, the U.S. Department of

Homeland Security (DHS) identif‌ied white

supremacists as the most “persistent and lethal

threat”in America. White supremacy can be

def‌ined as: “a political, economic and cultural

system in which whites overwhelmingly control

power and material resources, conscious and

unconscious ideas of white superiority and entitle-

ment are widespread, and relations of white dom-

inance and non white subordination are daily

reenacted across a broad array of institutions

and social settings”(Ansley 1997, 592 as cited

in Gillborn 2006). White supremacists were

expected to remain the top risk in 2021 (Sands

2020). It took no time at all for their prediction

to manifest in real life.

The world witnessed white supremacy in

action when Congress convened on January 6,

2021 to verify Joe Biden winner of the 2020

election. Thousands of Donald Trump support-

ers violently stormed the Capital Building to

stop the democratic process in its tracks. As

Ray (2021), the David M. Rubenstein Fellow

at the Brookings Institution, described: “Make

no mistake, the Capitol insurgency was about

making America great for white people. In

erecting a hangman’s noose, waving the

Confederate f‌lag, and wearing white nationalist

paraphernalia, including an Auschwitz

Department of Public Administration, University of

Wisconsin Oshkosh, Oshkosh, WI, USA

Corresponding Author:

Samantha June Larson, Department of Public

Administration, University of Wisconsin Oshkosh,

800 Algoma Blvd., Oshkosh, WI 54901, USA.

Email: larsonsj@uwosh.edu

Research Articles

State and Local Government Review

2022, Vol. 54(3) 236-255

© The Author(s) 2022

Article reuse guidelines:

sagepub.com/journals-permissions

DOI: 10.1177/0160323X221089639

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Concentration Camp shirt, the domestic terror-

ists showed America they fundamentally

believe in maintaining and enacting white

supremacy.”

The attack resulted in approximately $1.5

million in damages. At least 150 police off‌icers

were injured. Five people died. White suprem-

acy and racism are rarely so tangible, so easy

to see in plain sight. It is chilling to think that,

after they beat police off‌icers, broke down

doors, smashed through windows, stole

federal property, and more, the insurgents

were able to walk away from the Capital that

they left in ruins. They boarded planes, vans,

and buses, and headed back to their homes

across the country. Of more than 725 insurgents

indicted so far, they have been arrested in

almost all 50 states (U.S. Department of

Justice 2022).

Although the attempted coup was not suc-

cessful, the threat to democracy remains. It is

embedded in American institutions, empowered

by historical power dynamics of slavery, Jim

Crow, policy brutality, gentrif‌ication, and

more that have sustained white superiority for

centuries. The durable fabric of white suprem-

acy can be seen through the words and actions

during the insurrection, and in the year that

followed.

For instance, consider the limited police and

national guard response to the mostly white

insurrectionists. It is a stark contrast to the mili-

tary tactics employed against Black and

Indigenous People of Color (BIPOC) groups

who organized with Black Lives Matter and the

Dakota Access Pipeline protests at Standing

Rock. White supremacist notions have also

limited measuresto hold those involved account-

able. For example, the majority of Republicans

(who were themselves in physical danger on

January 6) have continued to publicly support

the “Big Lie”(i.e. the false belief that Donald

Trump won the election) which lead white

supremacists to storm the Capital in the f‌irst

place. And many are working to delegitimize

the Select Committee to Investigate the January

6

th

Attack on the United States.

Thus, continuing to make white supremacy

as visible as it was on January 6, 2021 is what

f‌irst inspired this study. The goal was to

develop a state-level tool to identify white

supremacy at a more localized stage so it

could be mapped, understood, and confronted

more directly. However, that course of inquiry

changed for a critical reason. Susan Gooden

has urged scholars to develop and promote

tools that can assist governments in reducing

social inequities rather than continuing to

focus on the existence of disparities that are

already well documented (Gooden 2015b,

2017). Calls for action-based strategies have

increased (Blessett et al. 2019; Guy and

McCandless 2020; Berry-James et al. 2021).

And others have noted how studies show

calling others “racist”is not effective in reduc-

ing racial bias (Lopez 2018).

Following this logic, the focus shifted away

from developing a tool to measure how much

white supremacy and racism exists. White

supremacy and racism are rampant in America.

This we know. Assessing the degree of antiracism

seemed of greater value, and more actionable.

Antiracism gives governments something to

strive for, rather than defend themselves against.

Therefore, this study aims to identify and

describe antiracist conditions across the 50

American states by constructing and presenting

an Antiracism Index (ARI). Notably, many of

the indicators included in the index center

Black people, such as economic outcomes

related to wealth and racial attitudes of the

Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement.

However, several of the indicators also ref‌lect

antiracist conditions pertaining to BIPOC and

Latinx community outcomes—especially the

policy positions included in the political dimen-

sion of the index.

The next section will describe the theories

that served as a foundation for this study.

Then, the paper will walk through the index

construction, including the theoretical frame-

work developed, indicators selected, the steps

of index construction, and reliability testing.

Next, ARI results are presented in both table

and map formats. A discussion of the results

follows, including suggestions for future inves-

tigation into antiracist conditions across the

United States.

Larson 237