Americanizing the spice isle's schools: educational development in post-invasion Grenada.

• Author: Zakula, Robert G.
• Position: Essay

Grenada, a small nation in the Eastern Caribbean, was caught up in Cold War. From 1979-83, the People's Revolutionary Government PRG), led by Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, attempted a socialist transformation of Grenada. On the one hand, the PRG made progress in social services through state--led programs, most importantly health and education. On the other, the state committed human rights abuses and repressed political freedoms. Over these four years, the island's revolution jeopardized by the PRG's relations with other socialist states, like Cuba the Soviet Union. The island was in the United States' "backyard" as On October 19, 1983, in a coup led by PRG hard--liners, Bishop, his civilian supporters, and several cabinet members were massacred. The U.S. in Grenada an opportunity to win a small victory in the Third World, more so in Latin America. On October 25, President Ronald Reagan ordered a military operation to "rescue" American medical students and to establish a democratic government. (1) By some estimates, around 90% of Grenadians welcomed the invasion and supported a transition to democracy. (2)

Many historians assume that U.S.--Grenada relations declined after the invasion or ignore this period altogether. Despite relative scholarly neglect, study hopes to fill the historiographical gap on U.S.--Grenada relations 1983 by examining America's influence through narrow, localized development on the island. This study argues that the U.S. used its "soft" power of foreign aid to work with Grenada in creating a consenting relationship to achieve progress based on an American model of development, which had mixed successes and unintended consequences. As the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy, overarching goals were to improve and modernize Grenada through democratic politics and a western--style free market system, but also to show that social development was more effectively accomplished through private entities rather than top--down, stateled efforts. This process directly shaped the island's infrastructure. On the whole, post--invasion investments from the U.S. government were estimated at $120 million or more. (3) Private contributions provided further additional funds to the project.

Although the U.S. assisted Grenada on multiple areas within its society, this article specifically examines Grenada's experience with postinvasion education development. It addresses particular actions to undo the revolution and the Grenada government's limited alternatives. More so, initiatives, both government and private, are an incredibly important focus. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Peace Corps, corporations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and profits played a major role in attempting to shape the island's education sector along American lines. Most education programs were positive. Some the most successful ones were implemented by private organizations and development workers who operated on the ground alongside the islanders. Their work improved learning environments, school conditions, literacy, and teacher training. As a result, many Grenadians became attracted to the American model of social development. In the short term, this model worked. But when U.S. funding ended, some programs became unsustainable. The results were quite ironic--American altruism and the desire to institute self-reliance left a small nation with some untenable policies and furthered its dependency after the Cold War ended. Thus, the island essentially relied on external assistance for numerous objectives in education.

Within the international dynamics of the Cold War, Grenada's postinvasion relationship with the U.S. mirrored many aspects of other developing nations, willing to accept assistance in support of the global crusade against communism. However, within the by and large unpleasant history of American policy toward Latin American and the Caribbean, the Grenadian experience was inconsistent and a unique story of cooperation. While some Latin American nations pledged support, many were undemocratic--hardly models the U.S. could point to in terms of accomplishments. The Reagan administration's inconsistencies toward the region were characterized by its perilous decisions to fund the Contra war against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and prolong pyrrhic civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala. (4) In contrast, the majority of Grenadians openly welcomed the American presence, and they had the agency to go along with the suggested development programs. American officials saw Grenada as a model for modernization for other developing nations and determined success by the effectiveness of the projects on the island itself, if Grenadians bought into them, and whether this development influenced Grenada's neighbors. Yet, the Grenadian model never extended beyond the confines of the Eastern Caribbean. Some surrounding islands were attracted to the postinvasion development scheme, but this was limited. Notwithstanding the drawbacks with some modernization programs, the majority of successes stayed on Grenada.

Anti-Communism

Following the U.S. intervention, the interim government carried out particular actions to undo the revolution and ended or reduced funding of particular PRG programs in public education. Post-invasion officials were in line with American goals and saw the PRG's education policies as projecting and enforcing a socialist political and ideological agenda. Cuts were also made for budgetary reasons. On a whole, spending on education was lower than under the PRG. Officials continued free milk and lunches policies, but only for impoverished students. Complimentary school uniforms were provided under the same conditions. Adult literacy also suffered a severe reduction in funding. The Centre for Popular Education, which stressed a socialist message, was renamed Adult Continuing Education. In all, most government-funded public education programs were decreased or discontinued, while the number of private and religious schools increased. (5)

In addition to the reduction in state-supported programs, the interim government embarked on an unofficial campaign to remove any trace of socialism within the island's society, especially in the educational sector. While the government's appointed Advisory Council members never declared or instituted a wholesale program to get rid of Grenadian radicals and communists, they targeted people and materials in schools and public spaces. As former revolutionary and agricultural analyst Ferron Lowe asserts, "They were trying to wipe out that phase of history [the revolution] from our heads." (6) Throughout 1983 and 1984, the interim government destroyed communist records and literature. Foreign teachers, most of whom were Cuban, were sent home. The government also reinstated head school teachers who had been removed or left the island during the revolution. Under the PRG, many of these teachers, based on Christian beliefs or anti-Communism, refused to teach Marxist-Leninist doctrine and to integrate political education into classroom instruction. (7)

Suspicions of communist infiltration into Grenada's schools and society continued during the administration of Herbert Blaize, who became Prime Minister in the first post-invasion election. In October 1988, customs authorities seized four cartons of progressive and radical literature from an American visitor, a labor unionist, who was supposedly associated with the Socialist Workers Congress. U.S. citizens called and complained about the of civil liberties to the Grenada police commissioner. (8) In the following year, Blaize passed an order that officially banned eighty-six books on the island. A number of books were declared threats to the people because the authors espoused "foreign ideologies."(9) Among the banned books were speeches by Fidel Castro, biographies of Malcolm X, and academic works U.S. interventionism. In fact, some of the books had been used for university-level instruction in Grenada and at the University of the West Indies, which served the English-speaking Caribbean. The literature was systematically removed from library shelves and bookstores. Sometimes the government sought and seized people's personal collections. Grenadians tourists alike had books taken at the airport or rejected from importation. book ban resulted in a number of regional and international protests how the Grenada Government handled political and social freedoms. (10)

Even though the majority of Grenadians welcomed the transition to democracy, Grenadian officials felt that, if educational and social restrictions not in place, another socialist revolution could happen. Therefore, Grenada's post-invasion governments believed it was necessary to rid the island of any far-left or communist-leaning thought and academic works that tested the new state. Officials believed they were appeasing the American cohort, but doing so actually agitated some Grenadian, American, and other foreign nationals. They saw it as a counterproductive measure in terms of educational development, because information should have been open and available for use even if they disagreed with it. The Grenadian state actions against academe like the book ban illustrated the violation of liberties that western democracy was supposed to uphold.

Reintegration

Many Grenadians were concerned about youth and young adults who had dropped out of school or joined the militia during the revolution. In mid-1984 various island churches created the New Life Organization (NEWLO), a two-year program that integrated these Grenadians back into society. Islanders were devout, so many people were supportive of this program. Church leaders taught courses on social and spiritual growth as well as job skills. Training included fields in artisanry, masonry, plumbing, and electrical wiring, among others. In addition to Grenadian church leaders, the Peace Corps, a...