After the Bell and into the Night

• Date: 01 May 2017
• Author: Timothy McCuddy,Finn-Aage Esbensen
• DOI: 10.1177/0022427816683515
• Published date: 01 May 2017
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

After the Bell and

into the Night:

The Link between

Delinquency and

Traditional, Cyber-,

and Dual-Bullying

Victimization

Timothy McCuddy

1

and Finn-Aage Esbensen

1

Abstract

Objectives: This study examines the effects of traditional bullying, cyberbully-

ing, and dual-bullying vict imization on subsequent del inquent outcomes.

Method: Data come from a longitudinal sample of middle school students

(N¼3,271) as part of the evaluation of the Gang Resistance Education and

Training (GREAT) prog ram. A hybrid random ef fects model is used to

estimate the between- and within-individual effects of traditional, cyber-,

and dual-bullying victi mization while control ling for other predictor s of

delinquency. Outcomes include general delinquency, violent and nonviolent

delinquency, and substance use. Results: The findings demonstrate that

those who are cyberbullied exhibit a higher propensity for substance use

1

Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Missouri–St. Louis, St. Louis,

MO, USA

Corresponding Author:

Timothy McCuddy, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Missouri–

St. Louis, One University Blvd., 324 Lucas Hall, St. Louis, MO 63104, USA.

Email: tgmqn5@mail.umsl.edu

Journal of Research in Crime and

Delinquency

2017, Vol. 54(3) 409-441

ªThe Author(s) 2016

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DOI: 10.1177/0022427816683515

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and nonviolent delinquency compared to those who are traditionally bul-

lied. Changes in dual victimization within respondents over time are most

strongly related to general delinquency. With one exception, the effect of

traditional bullying victi mization remained weakest in al l of the models.

Conclusions: This study finds evidence that victims of cyberbullying may be

more likely to engage i n delinquent and devia nt behavior compared t o

victims of traditional bullying. Criminologists and antibullying prevention

efforts should consider the broader role of cyberbullying victimization in

the developmental processes of adolescents.

Keywords

bullying, cyberbullying, cyber victimization, juvenile delinquency

Although decades of research have consistently uncovered negative conse-

quences associated with bullying victimization, questions remain regarding

the specific effects of bullying that takes place in digital environments. In

general, victims of bullying suffer from depression, anxiety, and low self-

esteem. Additionally, scholars have found that both traditional bullying and

cyberbullying victimization are associated with delinquency (Hay,

Meldrum, and Mann 2010) and substance use (Mitchell, Ybarra, and Fin-

kelhor 2007). However, there is disagreement whether the consequences of

cyberbullying mirror those of traditional bullying or whether the effects are

different or more severe for those bullied in online environments. For

example, some studies find that rates of delinquency are higher for cyber

victims compared to face-to-face victims (Hay et al. 2010), and there may

be an additive effect for victims of both types, as dual victims (i.e., experi-

encing both traditional and cyberbullying) may be more aggressive and

depressed than victims of only one type of bullying (Gradinger, Strohmeier,

and Spiel 2009). In contrast, some scholars suggest the outcomes of tradi-

tional, cyber-, and dual-bullying are similar in type and magnitude (Olweus

2012). Missing from this body of research is the consideration that certain

youth might be more likely to be bullied by a particular form. If those who

are more likely to be cyberbullied are also more likely to be delinquent,

findings that demonstrate a stronger effect for cyberbullying victimization

might be subject to selection bias.

As a whole, research on cyberbullying has been almost exclusively

cross-sectional in design, often excludes measures of traditional bullying,

or includes a limited number of explanatory variables that may account for

410 Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 54(3)

competing or spurious findings (Tokunaga 2010). These conditions inhibit

the ability to establish causal relationships. Furthermore, the literature has

been overwhelmingly descriptive with a primary interest in determining

prevalence rates (Holfeld and Grabe 2012). Studies that do examine delin-

quency as a consequence of victimization often rely on small samples

obtained from a single locatio n, thus undermining generali zability. The

current study addresses these shortcomings by using a multisite panel sam-

ple of more than 3,000 youth to more fully understand the nuances of

bullying victimization.

Nature and Extent of Bullying Victimization

Traditional bullying is defined as aggressive behavior that is intended to

inflict harm on an individual (Olweus 1993). While this definition is rela-

tively straightforward, numerous conceptualizations of bullying exist and

the way in which they are measured may determine the types of responses to

victimization (Esbensen and Carson 2009). Espelage and Swearer

(2003:368) present a summarized definition and state that ‘‘bullying

includes both physical and verbal aggression, which is a systematic,

ongoing set of behavior instigated by an individual or group of individuals

who are attempting to gain power, prestige, or goods.’’ In contrast, cyber-

bullying occurs when ‘‘someone repeatedly harasses, mistreats, or makes

fun of another person online or while using a cell phone or other electronic

devices’’ (Patchin and Hinduja 2015:4). Although prevalence rates vary,

most studies report that traditional bullying—that is, bullying taking place

in face-to-face encounters—occurs more frequently tha n cyberbullying

(Sabella, Patchin, and Hinduja 2013). According to the National Academies

of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (2016), approximately 18–31 per-

cent of adolescents have been traditionally bullied, whereas around

7–15 percent have been the victim of cyberbullying.

One area of interest is the degree of overlap between cyber and tradi-

tional victims. While some commentators maintain that cyberbullying is as

an extension of face-to-face victimization, others claim distinct epidemiol-

ogy (Corcoran, Guckin, and Prentice 2015; Grigg 2012; Randa, Nobles, and

Reyns 2015). With regard to the overlap, using two large longitudinal

data sets from the United States and Norway, Olweus (2012) found that

88 percent of those who were cyberbullied were also traditionally bullied.

However, using cross-sectional data sets, others report a smaller overlap

between cyberbullied and traditional bullied youth, ranging from 67 percent

(Hinduja and Patchin 2012) to as low as 32 percent (Ybarra, Diender-West,

McCuddy and Esbensen 411