When Advocates Become Adjudicators: Tracing the Effects of Prosecutorial and Public Defense Experience on Judicial Decision Making
Published date | 01 November 2023 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X231175138 |
Author | Banks Miller,Brett Curry |
Date | 01 November 2023 |
Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
American Politics Research
2023, Vol. 51(6) 796–804
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231175138
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When Advocates Become Adjudicators:
Tracing the Effects of Prosecutorial and Public
Defense Experience on Judicial Decision
Making
Banks Miller
1
and Brett Curry
2
Abstract
We assess the influence professional background –specifically, having been a prosecutor or a public defender –exerts on
decision making by federal district court judges. Focusing on search and seizure cases, we analyze nearly 1500 motions to
suppress evidence from 2000 to 2022. In addition to controlling for judicial ideology and a judge’s prior experience as a
prosecutor or public defender, we utilize matching to address endogeneity concerns related to one’s ability to self-select into
one of these positions—which may itself be influenced by that individual’s ideological predispositions. We find tha t having been a
former prosecutor, as well as the length of time that service spans, makes a judge significantly more likely to rule against a
motion to suppress. Former public defenders are significantly more likely to grant that suppression motion, though their
propensity to do so is not affected by the length of time served in that capacity.
Keywords
judicial decision making, social background theory, prosecutors, public defenders, federal district judges
Many progressives view the courts as being inhospitable fora
for the accused. This skepticism is an outgrowth of multiple
arguments, but a primary one rests on two reinforcing factors
related to the identity of those in charge of the proceedings:
federal judges frequently possess prosecutorial experience,
but there are far fewer former public defenders on the bench.
To people like Chris Kang, a former Obama adviser on ju-
dicial selection who now heads a progressive judicial reform
organization, one contributor to this imbalance is a double
standard about the relationship between professional back-
ground and one’s perceived capacity for fairness on the
bench. As he puts it, “almost nobody ever asks a prosecutor or
a corporate lawyer whether or not they could be fair, as if
those are neutral professions or neutral sorts of perspectives”
(Serino, 2022). Others have emphasized the importance of
having a range of professional perspectives on the courts. As
one example, former U.S. District Judge Nancy Gertner
credits her criminal defense background with giving her a
unique perspective from which to ask questions and make
observations. “I added the experience”she said, “of walking
into the courtroom with your client and walking out of the
courtroom with him in chains”(Alder, 2021).
This empirical reality, which has traditionally character-
ized judicial selection by presidents regardless of political
party, is not new.
1
Yet many, especially on the political left,
echo famed civil rights attorney William Kuntsler’s view that:
“concentrating on prosecutors’offices as a source of judicial
talent”not only “belie [s] the appearance of equal justice, but
it also reinforces the widespread notion that the Establishment
maintains its control by seeing to it that those who once
enforced its laws become the judges of those accused of
violating them”(Kuntsler, 1986). More than three decades
after Kuntsler’s observation, approximately four former
prosecutors sit on the federal bench for every one judge with
some sort of criminal defense background (Neily, 2019).
Just prior to President Joe Biden’s inauguration, incoming
White House Counsel Dana Remus announced that the new
administration sought to change that imbalance,especially in
the trial courts that effectively have the conclusive word on
virtually all federal cases: “With respect to U.S. District Court
positions, we are particularly focused on nominating
1
Political Science Program, School of Economic, Political and Policy Sciences,
The University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, TX, USA
2
Department of Political Science and International Studies, Georgia Southern
University, Statesboro, GA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Brett Curry, Department of Political Science, Georgia Southern University,
Box 8101, Statesboro, GA 30460, USA.
Email: bcurry@georgiasouthern.edu
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