Advocacy for the Poor

AuthorRobin Phinney
DOI10.1177/1532673X16640748
Date01 September 2016
Published date01 September 2016
Subject MatterArticles
American Politics Research
2016, Vol. 44(5) 903 –938
© The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X16640748
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Article
Advocacy for the Poor:
Organized Interests and
Social Policymaking in
the American States
Robin Phinney1
Abstract
While a large body of research examines cross-state variation in social policy,
few studies systematically examine the policy influence of organizations
that advocate on behalf of people living in poverty. This article examines
relationships between state advocacy communities and policy choices
following the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), or welfare reform. Using an
original data set of states’ advocacy communities, political and economic
characteristics, and welfare policy choices, the article analyzes whether
a state’s advocacy community is associated with its decisions to reduce
the government’s commitment to low-income families on one hand and
enact policies providing additional supports to families on the other. The
analysis reveals that significant relationships exist for both types of policies,
suggesting that organizational advocates may play a role in shaping state-level
social policy decisions.
Keywords
state politics and policy, social welfare policy, interest group lobbying
1University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, USA
Corresponding Author:
Robin Phinney, Research Associate, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota,
1414 Social Sciences Bldg., 267 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455, USA.
Email: rphinney@umn.edu
640748APRXXX10.1177/1532673X16640748American Politics ResearchPhinney
research-article2016
904 American Politics Research 44(5)
Scholars of American politics have long been interested in understanding
cross-state variation in antipoverty policy. States differ in both the nature and
scale of their response to the problem of poverty, which ranged in severity
from 10% living in poverty in New Hampshire to 24% living in poverty in
Mississippi in 2012 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). Although federal and state
governments share authority over an array of social welfare programs, state
governments retain discretion over the program design, eligibility rules, and
benefit levels of many federal antipoverty programs. States also develop and
administer their own programs, such as state tax credits to low-income work-
ing families and cash assistance to individuals living in poverty (Meyers,
Gornick, & Peck, 2001).
The existing literature on cross-state variation in antipoverty policy
yields important findings regarding the influence of partisan politics, con-
stituent opinion, economic factors, and racial politics on state social policy
adoption (Fellowes & Rowe, 2004; Plotnick & Winters, 1985; Soss,
Schram, Vartanian, & O’Brien, 2001; Tweedie, 1994). Yet few studies sys-
tematically examine relationships between antipoverty advocacy and pol-
icy choices across states. As a result, little is known about the policy
influence of states’ advocacy communities, defined as the population of
organizations that is politically active on behalf of low-income individuals
within each state.
The absence of knowledge regarding the role of advocates is surprising, as
many states maintain a robust community of groups that routinely advocate
on behalf of low-income populations (Berry & Arons, 2003; Pekkanen,
Smith, & Tsujinaka, 2014). Furthermore, qualitative research suggests that
advocates for the poor are influential in the policymaking process in at least
some states (Burt, Geen, & Duke, 1997; Francis & Anton, 1999; Geen,
Zimmermann, Douglas, Zedlewski, & Waters, 1998; Karch, 2007; Winston,
2002). As national policies have shifted authority away from Washington and
toward the state and local level (Meyers et al., 2001), understanding the role
of policy advocates has become increasingly important.
To provide insight into the role of state-level advocates in the social poli-
cymaking process, this article analyzes relationships between state advocacy
communities and policy choices following the passage of the Personal
Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996
(PRWORA), or welfare reform. Under the PRWORA, the national govern-
ment ended its 60-year guarantee of cash assistance to needy families and
granted states increased discretion over many programmatic aspects of the
cash welfare program (Weaver, 2000). Because the federal legislation
required each state to define the structure of its new welfare program in
select program areas, the PRWORA created similar incentives for advocates
Phinney 905
to mobilize across states, offering an ideal opportunity to analyze the rela-
tionship between advocacy and policy passage.
In the next section of the article, I review the literature on interest groups,
nonprofit advocacy, and state policy adoption to motivate the article’s focus
on state-level advocates for low-income populations. The “Data” section pro-
vides an overview of the data used to analyze relationships between advocacy
communities and policy choices. This section introduces two new measures
of advocacy community strength that include the number of groups regis-
tered to lobby on welfare issues as well as the number of charitable organiza-
tions active on social welfare issues. In the “Empirical Analysis” section, I
present the results of the empirical analysis. The analysis finds that across the
50 states, states with larger antipoverty advocacy communities were less
likely to adopt policies that imposed strict work requirements and penalties
on welfare recipients, as well as policies that allowed recipients to possess
greater assets without losing welfare eligibility. However, consistent relation-
ships do not exist across all policies considered. The “Discussion, Implications,
and Conclusion” section discusses the key empirical findings and argues that
scholars interested in cross-state variation in social welfare policy should
continue to consider the role of advocates in social policymaking processes
in the American states.
Theoretical Foundations
Organized interests play an active role in state politics. In 2007, more than
50,000 groups representing an array of public and private interests were reg-
istered to lobby at the state level (Gray, Cluverius, Harden, Shor, & Lowery,
2014). State interest group communities vary considerably, both with respect
to the number of groups active and the distribution of interests across eco-
nomic sectors (Gray & Lowery, 1996; Nownes & Freeman, 1998; Thomas &
Hrebenar, 1999). Organized interests also enjoy varying levels of influence
across states: Interest groups are described as having a dominant influence in
states such as Alabama, Florida, and Nevada, for example, but are described
as constrained or subordinate to other political factors in states such as
Delaware, Minnesota, and South Dakota (Thomas & Hrebenar, 1999).
A large literature examines the influence of interest groups on public pol-
icy choices (see Baumgartner & Leech, 1998; Hojnacki, Kimball,
Baumgartner, Berry, & Leech, 2012; and Smith, 1995, for reviews). While
much of this literature focuses on the national level, a growing number of
studies explore influence at the state level in areas as diverse as education,
health, environment, and animal welfare (Allen, 2005; Gerber, 1999; Mintrom
& Vergari, 1998; Ringquist, 1994; Ritchey & Nicholson-Crotty, 2015; Shipan

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