Adult Outcomes of Justice Involved Indigenous Youth

Published date01 July 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/2153368720973442
AuthorKelley J. Sittner,Michelle L. Estes
Date01 July 2023
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Adult Outcomes of Justice
Involved Indigenous Youth
Kelley J. Sittner
1
and Michelle L. Estes
1
Abstract
Juvenile arrest serves as a critical turning point in the life-course that disrupts the
successful transition to adulthood and carries numerous consequences including
diminished socioeconomic status. Despite their disproportionately high rates of
contact with the criminal justice system (CJS), Indigenous people’s experiences remain
largely invisible in extant research. Further, colonization has left them in an extremely
marginalized position in terms of social, economic, and political power, which is
compounded by CJS involvement. In the current study, we apply propensity score
matching to investigate whether being arrested in adolescence impacts early adult
socioeconomic outcomes (i.e., education, employment, and income). Data come from
the Healing Pathways project, a longitudinal, community-based participatory study of
North American Indigenous young people that includes eight waves of data in ado-
lescence and three waves in early adulthood. We find that being arrested at least once
in adolescence is associated with higher rates of unemployment, not completing high
school, and low income, and lower rates of full-time employment and post-secondary
education in young adulthood (mean age ¼26.2 years). Criminal justice system
involvement widens existing socioeconomic disparities, and remedying these conse-
quences requires changes in how CJS policies are enacted as well as larger structural
changes to address significant inequities in income, education, and employment for
Indigenous people.
Keywords
race and juvenile justice, indigenous people, race/ethnicity, Native Americans, race/
ethnicity, life-course criminology, criminological theories, bias in the criminal justice
system, race and public opinion
1
Department of Sociology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA
Corresponding Author:
Kelley J. Sittner, Department of Sociology, Oklahoma State University, 431 Social Sciences and Humanities,
Stillwater, OK 74078, USA.
Email: kelley.sittner@okstate.edu
Race and Justice
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DOI: 10.1177/2153368720973442
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2023, Vol. 13(3) 279–\ 302
Involvement in the criminal justice system (CJS) impacts numerous parts of an
individual’s life. It results in diminished educational and employment opportunities,
lower socioeconomic status (SES) (Pettit & Western, 2004; Western, 2002), negative
mental and physical health outcomes (Massoglia & Pridemore, 2015; Schnittker et al.,
2012), family instability (Wakefield & Wildeman, 2014), and substance use/abuse
(Bath et al., 2018). Most research has focused on the harmful outcomes of CJS
involvement among adult populations; however, CJS involvement has large conse-
quences for youth as well. This is an important point as the United States continues to
incarcerate a larger proportion of its youth population in comparison to other devel-
oped countries (Barnert et al., 2016). Because adolescence is an important develop-
mental phase in the life-course, it is imperative to better understand the impact that
CJS involvement in adolescence has on subsequent outcomes in adulthood.
CJS involvement in the United States is not equally distributed. Large inequities
exist with racial and ethnic minorities having disproportionate contact and involve-
ment with the CJS in comparison to white individuals (Barnert et al., 2016; Hock-
enberry & Puzzanchera, 2018; Puzzanchera, 2019; Rodriguez, 2010; Wakefield &
Uggen, 2010). In 2001, Garland introduced the term “mass imprisonment” (often
interchanged with mass incarceration), and identified two distinct features about this
phenomenon. The first was the overall size of the imprisoned population, and the
second was the concentration of imprisonment among specific populations. For
example, he noted that “imprisonment becomes mass imprisonment when it ceases to
be the incarceration of individual offenders and becomes the systematic imprisonment
of whole groups of the population” (Garland, 2001, p. 6). Garland noted the over-
representation of Black and Latinx individuals within the CJS at the time of his
writing; however, North American Indigenous individuals also experience dis-
proportionately high rates of involvement with the CJS (Armstrong et al., 2009), and
should be situated within this era of mass imprisonment as well.
The structure of the CJS greatly contributes to inequalities seen throughout the era
of mass imprisonment. Existing research shows that inequality is present at all stages
of the criminal justice process such as policing and arrests (Daly & Tonry, 1997;
Jacobs et al., 2012), sentencing (Pettit & Western, 2004; Rios, 2006; Steffensmeier
et al., 1998), incarceration (Wakefield & Uggen, 2010; Western, 2006), and com-
munity reentry (Petersilia, 2003). Inequalities seen throughout the CJS are a direct
outcome of how policies and laws are written and implemented by criminal justice
officials. Particular groups, such as individuals who have lower levels of income and
members of minority groups, are often targeted and therefore, have an increased
presence within the CJS (Pettit & Western, 2004; Wacquant, 2009), leaving some
scholars to argue that mass imprisonment is rooted in classism and racism (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008). Overall, the disproportionality among low income minority groups
within the CJS is not a result of inherent criminality, but a reflection of a system that is
designed and functions in a discriminatory and biased manner.
The theme of disproportionality is consistent through each stage of the CJS and
within the juvenile justice process (Williams, 2009), and is especially true for Indi-
genous individuals. Existing studies have varied findings depending on the sample and
280
Race and Justice 13(3)

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