Adolescents' Precocious and Developmentally Appropriate Contributions to Their Families' Well‐Being and Resilience in Five Countries
| Author | Michael Ungar,Nora Didkowsky,Linda Theron |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2010.00645.x |
| Published date | 01 April 2011 |
| Date | 01 April 2011 |
MICHAEL UNGAR Dalhousie University
LINDA THERON North-West University*
NORA DIDKOWSKY Dalhousie University**
Adolescents’ Precocious and Developmentally
Appropriate Contributions to Their Families’
Well-Being and Resilience in Five Countries
An exploratory qualitative study of 16 disadvan-
taged youth in 5 countries suggests that making
both precocious and developmentally appropri-
ate contributions to their families’ well-being
is advantageous to adolescents coping with
chronic adversity. All youth were known to be
doing well (as identified by community advisors)
and showed patterns of contribution that pro-
vided instrumental support to parents, siblings,
and extended family members in culturally rel-
evant ways. Data were gathered using in-depth
interviews, photo-elicitation, and the filming of
1 full day in the life of each youth. Youth
reported that their experiences of precocious
(synonymous with processes of adultification)
and developmentally appropriate contribution
facilitate their access to resources that nur-
ture and sustain their well-being. This process
School of Social Work, Dalhousie University, 3201
LeMarchant Street, Halifax, Canada B3H 3P8 (michael.
ungar@dal.ca).
*School of Education, School of Educational Sciences, Vaal
Triangle Campus, North-West University, South Africa.
**Faculty of Graduate Studies, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Canada.
Key Words: adultification, cultural diversity, family
relationships, parentification, precocious contribution,
resilience, youth.
of contribution is discussed as one aspect of
resilience. Both youth and their caregivers
coconstructed acts of contribution as helpful
to young people’s psychosocial development in
contexts where youth are exposed to multiple
risks.
When Jurkovic, Morrell, and Casey (2001)
examined the biographies of political and cul-
tural elites such as President Lyndon Baines
Johnson and Marlene Dietrich in the United
States, they found that children’s instrumen-
tal and emotional contributions to the welfare
of their parents (parentification) was reported
as both a common and worthwhile experi-
ence. Controversially, Jurkovic et al. concluded:
‘‘Parentification appears endemic to family life.
It is not tantamount to pathology and, indeed,
frequently characterizes adaptive family rela-
tionships, particularly during stressful periods’’
(p. 130, emphasis added). Although a parent’s
dependence on his or her child may threaten a
child’s psychosocial development (a weakened
sense of security, narcissism, etc.; McMahon &
Luthar, 2007; Peris, Goeke-Morey, Cummings,
& Emery, 2008), the ascendance of the child
in the family hierarchy can also influence pos-
itively a child’s potential for career and life
success when families are poorly resourced or
Family Relations 60 (April 2011): 231 – 246 231
DOI:10.1111/j.1741-3729.2010.00645.x
232 Family Relations
under stress (Burton, 2007; Hooper, Marotta, &
Lanthier, 2008; Rama & Richter, 2007).
This need for contextual sensitivity when
understanding children’s development is also
typical of studies of resilience (Rutter, 2008).
Although an aspect of positive youth devel-
opment such as the opportunity to make a
contribution (Lerner, 2006) predicts prosocial-
ity for all young people, what that contribution
looks like and its function as protective pro-
cesses depends on the level of adversity a family
experiences (Ungar, 2011). In affluent coun-
tries, processes that invert parent-child roles are
considered damaging to a youth’s psychosocial
development (Cohen, 2001). When contextual
factors are accounted for, however, children’s
contributions may change from a sign of fam-
ily dysfunction to a valued source of support
to a family in need (Jurkovic, 1997; Jurkovic
et al., 2001).
The nature of young people’s contributions
to their families and the impact these have on
their capacity to cope with adversity have not
been well studied in different adverse contexts.
Our research aimed to provide a critical look
at children’s precocious and developmentally
appropriate contributions within their families,
whether those contributions invert, flatten, or
maintain parent-child hierarchies. Qualitative
data (videos of a day in the life of each
adolescent, photo-elicitation, and transcripts of
interviews) were used to explore how atypical
family roles can help immediate and extended
family members fulfill child-care and household
management responsibilities. The use of a
constructivist grounded theory approach to the
study’s design and data analysis (Charmaz,
2006) helped us to explore the localized,
culturally divergent understandings of these
contribution patterns and their relationship to
resilience.
To investigate both common and unique
aspects of young people’s contributions to
their families in different cultures and con-
texts and to avoid Eurocentric bias, we used
data from an exploratory qualitative study of
both homogeneous and heterogeneous patterns
of resilience among 16 youth in five countries.
All participants were identified by local advisory
committees of researchers and human service
professionals as having been exposed to chronic
adversity but still ‘‘doing well.’’ This combi-
nation of exposure to adversity and perceived
positive functioning on age-appropriate tasks
(e.g., attending school, maintaining relationships
with peers and family members, and resisting
drugs or high-risk sexual activity) was used as
selection criteria for youth whose lives demon-
strate patterns of positive functioning associated
with resilience (Ungar et al., 2007) The cultural
pluralism of the research team was also impor-
tant during the analysis of the data, facilitating
debate over what is and is not a sign of preco-
cious contribution given different cultural norms
regarding an adolescent’s transition to adult-like
roles within his or her family. In this regard, our
research mirrors that of Wickrama, Merten, and
Elder (2005), who have shown that the impact
on adolescents’ mental health of precocious life
events such as early sexual intercourse, mar-
riage, or cohabitation; home leaving; and high
school dropout are mediated by racial differ-
ences and community disadvantage. Although
our focus here is on aspects of precocious devel-
opment that occur while the child is within his or
her family, cultural and community factors were
still expected to influence protective processes
associated with resilience.
For the purpose of this study, resilience is
defined as a social ecological construct based on
the work by Ungar (2008, 2011). Resilience is
understood as including two processes. First,
resilience is a sequence of events (such as
making a contribution to another’s welfare)
whereby individuals use internal and external
developmental assets in situations of exposure
to acute or chronic adversity to navigate to
new resources that sustain well-being. A child
is showing resilience when he or she is able
to access experiences that bolster assets. In this
study, availing one’s self of opportunities to
contribute was believed to enhance self-esteem,
secure positive and supportive intrafamilial rela-
tionships, and create more secure living arrange-
ments. Second, resilience is the capacity of the
individual’s social and physical ecology to pro-
vide these resources in culturally meaningful
ways, with the youth actively negotiating for
what he or she needs to achieve functional
benchmarks of successful development that are
locally relevant. A social ecological interpre-
tation of resilience emphasizes the importance
of the young person’s culture and the cocon-
struction of meaning that determines which
experiences in specific contexts will be helpful
to a youth’s psychosocial development. In this
regard, this definition of resilience emphasizes
that resilience is not only a process associated
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