“A Friend With Weed Is a Friend Indeed”

AuthorChristian Alexander Vaccaro,Vendula Belackova
Date01 July 2013
DOI10.1177/0022042613475589
Published date01 July 2013
Subject MatterArticles
Journal of Drug Issues
43(3) 289 –313
© The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/0022042613475589
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Article
475589JODXXX10.1177/0022042613475589Journal of
Drug IssuesBelackova and Vaccaro
1Florida State University, Tallahassee, USA
2Department of Addictology, 1st Faculty of Medicine, Charles University in Prague, and General Faculty Hospital in
Prague, Czech Republic
3Indiana University of Pennsylvania, USA
Corresponding Author:
Vendula Belackova, Department of Addictology, 1st Faculty of Medicine, Charles University in Prague, and General
Faculty Hospital in Prague, Apolinarska 4, Prague 2 - 120 00, Czech Republic.
Email: belackova@adiktologie.cz
“A Friend With Weed Is a Friend
Indeed”: Understanding the
Relationship Between Friendship
Identity and Market Relations
Among Marijuana Users
Vendula Belackova1, 2 and Christian Alexander Vaccaro3
Abstract
The importance of friendship networks and drug sharing is a well-documented feature of
marijuana use. Recent studies show an increased role of acquiring marijuana through friends,
especially in settings with rather punitive drug policy. This article aims at gaining insight into the
definitions and roles that marijuana users attribute to friendship. Forty-four marijuana users
and retailers recruited in North Central Florida were subjected to semistructured interviews,
with extensive probes on respondents’ “friends.” Data were analyzed with the use of inductive
analysis, and were framed in identity theory. Respondents’ definitions of friendship contained
expectations on marijuana sharing and reciprocation, purchases for friends, and introduction to
dealers—who were also referred as “friends.” The study findings suggest that marijuana users’
definitions of friendship include expectations for behavior that sustain the distribution chain.
Role-based expectations on “friendly” behavior ser ved as a social control tool that protected
marijuana users from illicit market risks.
Keywords
illicit marijuana market, drug policy, identity theory, social supply, friendship
Introduction
This article explores the role-based behavioral expectations that are attributed to the identity of
a “friend” among marijuana users, given the importance of drug acquisition among friendship
networks previously documented by findings in both quantitative and qualitative research on
marijuana markets (Caulkins & Reuter, 2006; Goode, 1970; Langer, 1977).
290 Journal of Drug Issues 43(3)
As documented by qualitative research, relationships have long been embedded in marijuana
use as accustomed rituals of sharing. Research finds that most users consider marijuana a social
drug, and the act of using marijuana as a group activity (Becker, 1966; Goode, 1970; Ministry of
Health [MOH], 2007; Miovský et al., 2008; Shukla, 2005; Zimmerman & Wieder, 1977).
Furthermore, its pharmacological effects are influenced by the social context or “setting” where
users seek to define them as pleasurable through shared meanings that comprise “social interpre-
tation of physical experience,” predominantly in the course of a group activity (Becker, 1966).
Despite some updates on Becker’s research showing that group definition tends to play a
smaller role in normalizing individualized marijuana use of nowadays (Hallstone, 2002;
Hathaway, 1997), groups still provide a strong normalizing function in marijuana use. For
instance, research documents the importance of “marijuana using friends” as a predictor or
co-occurring variable to one’s own marijuana use (Duan, Chou, Andreeva, & Pentz, 2009;
D. Kandel, 1974; Wister & Avison, 1982). Other studies have focused on friendship networks to
settle debate on whether these are important because of social selection or social influence on
marijuana use (Bohnert, Bradshaw, & Latkin, 2009), the latter being linked to a salient concept
in drug policy research—“peer-pressure,” describing influence of friend on one’s decision to use
drugs. Another example of individual’s drug use and relationship with his social environment has
been the “pusher” concept, meaning a dealer who is actively seducing individuals into drug
use—a concept that has been repeatedly disapproved by scholars (Coomber, 2003; Fletcher,
2007; Langer, 1977). Despite ambiguities surrounding the extent and the influence friendship has
on marijuana use, friendship networks are clearly a ubiquitous feature of marijuana use.
Friendship among users of other illicit drugs has long been depicted in drug-related research
as a “dope friendship,” where drug users tend to take advantage of their nearby networks of other
users (Bourgois, 1998; Bullington, 1977). Other research demonstrates that illicit drug users tend
to have a greater number of “friends” than the general population, suggesting importance for this
role in user networks (D. Kandel & Davies, 2006). Sharing other illicit drugs has been shown as
a common practice that helps overcome prohibitive constrains to supply, generally with elevated
risks to public health (Koester, Glanz, & Baròn, 2005), such as in case of shared syringes in
prison settings (Vescio et al., 2007; Zábranský, Mravcik, Korcisova, & Rehak, 2006).
Social Networks on Marijuana Market and the Role of Drug Policy
In comparison with other illicit drug markets, marijuana market has been described as a “benign
affaire” (Hamid, 1991). While other drug markets are rather depicted as violent (Johnson, Dunlap,
& Tourigny, 2004), friendship and family bonds serve to establish a gang structure there (Bardhi
et al., 2006). To this it can be added that marijuana users are generally middle class, socially
embedded individuals (Osborne & Fogel, 2008), and for the most part, so are both the retail and
broker markets serving them, at least if kept separated from other drugs. As Goode (1970) pointed
out with respect to marijuana market in the initial stages of his research, the dealer and the seller
“inhabit the same universe.” Marijuana itself is a drug with lower social and health risks than other
illicit substances, and with lower addiction potential. Recently, a distinct pattern of illicit marijuana
purchase has been described predominantly by the means of one’s social network (Coomber, 2010;
Coomber & Turnbull, 2007; Harrison, Erickson, Korf, Brochu, & Benschop, 2007). This might
especially be the case of a “closed” market, nevertheless, it remains unexplored what the relative
share of the closed market is, and what types of users participate in it (Johnson, Golub, Dunlap,
Sifaneck, & McCabe, 2010; Natarjan & Hough, 2004).
This article explores role-behaviors within these “social networks” that make marijuana users
define their market relationships as “friendships” to help counter the risks of enforcement. On
quantitative grounds, this pattern has been well observed at different locations throughout the

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