Wall carvings, elixirs, and the celestial king: an exegetic exercise on Du Fu's poems on two palaces.

• Author: Keung Chan, Timothy Wai

National crises and personal plight set the murky tone of Du Fu's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (712-70) poetry after the An Lushan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (d. 757) rebellion, which began to cause havoc in the Tang empire in the winter of 755-56, especially when the Tang emperors were later forced for a time to abandon the capital Chang'an, which had been occupied by the rebels. At the court of Emperor Suzong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 756-62) in Fengxiang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (modern Fengxiang, Shaanxi), Du, then Reminder of the Right, protested against the emperor's decision to demote Fang Guan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (697-763) as punishment for having suffered a military defeat at the hands of the rebels. For remonstrating this way Du Fu received the death penalty, which he avoided due to a successful appeal on his behalf by Zhang Hao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (d. 764). Fang Guan was demoted, (1) and Du Fu was "granted" a leave of absence. In the autumn of 757, our poet wrote two poems on his visits to two palaces, namely, the Jiucheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Nine-Tier (2)) and the Yuhua [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Jade Flower), on his long journey to rejoin his family in Fuzhou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (modern Fuxian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], Shaanxi).

The present study discusses the sentiments Du Fu might have meant to evoke in the two poems in question. (3) These poems seem to suggest that Du Fu was the first to turn the motif of palace poetry from panegyric to lyric. (4) But what kind of lyric sentiment is expressed in these poems? Were they composed as satire? If so, who or what was the target?

The poetic dichotomy of panegyric and lyric reflects a theoretical distinction between what David McMullen calls the "two bodies" of the Tang sovereigns.(5) "The first 'body' or role," notes McMullen, "was that of the immortal sovereign." This "immortality" was a constant attribute of the emperor in panegyric works on palaces. McMullen's definition of the "second body" of the Tang sovereigns may be seen to suggest a motive behind Du Fu's poems on the two palaces:

They were individuals; they had their passions, their crises of authority; they aged as other men; they feared death. They lived in large palace communities that embodied the highest standards of luxury; they spent resources, took political decisions, lavished patronage on religious figures of their own choice, and had favourites ... (6) Du Fu, as we shall see in the discussion below, transformed poetry on palaces to focus on the carnal instead of the immortal. This switch from the "first body" to the "second body" represented Du Fu's doubts about the sovereign's immortality and the impregnability of the dynastic house.

THE TWO POEMS

The two poems that concern us are both in the "ancient" style. Here they are:

PALACE ON A NINE-TIER MOUNTAIN (7)

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THE EMPERORS AND THE TWO PALACES

Two Tang emperors, Taizong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 626-49) and Gaozong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 649-83), were closely associated with these palaces. The Jiucheng Palace was originally built in the Sui dynasty and called the Renshou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Palace. In the early years of the Tang, it was in danger of being dismantled because of its association with the extravagance of the Sui. After discussions between Taizong and his ministers, however, it was allowed to remain. On his visit to this palace in 632, Taizong is said to have discovered a sweet spring (liquan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) on its grounds, which was interpreted as a propitious sign. Consequently, a commemorative stele was erected at the spot. Wei Zheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] composed the inscription and Ouyang Xun [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] transcribed it onto the stele for engraving. In the history of Chinese calligraphy, this stele enjoys high renown (see appendix 1). Several lines in the piece condemn the waste associated with the building of the palace, including the following:

This [i.e., the Jiucheng Palace] was formerly the Renshou Palace of the Sui. ... We observe that the construction was a result of moving mountains following along brooks. Its extreme extravagance was a result of [employing the labor of] the people to satisfy the desire [of the rulers]. This is indeed to be condemned. (9) The content of this inscription and its didactic tone became a guideline for later compositions on the palace, including Wang Bo's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (650-ca. 676) eulogy and poems presented to emperor Gaozong and a poem by Li Shangyin [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (ca. 813-858). (10) A standard feature is reference to King Mu of Zhou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] as a monitory example of debauchery and the pursuit of immortality. The critical tone adopted in these works assists us in reading Du Fu's poem on the same topic.

The survival and later maintenance of the Jiucheng Palace seem to have brought great pleasure to Taizong and Gaozong. As recorded in Du Fu's poem and in dynastic histories, officials were appointed to oversee the palace. Taizong's frequent visits reveal his enjoyment of it. (11) The name of the palace was changed to Wannian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Palace between 651 and 667. The Jiu Tangshu records a flood threatening it in 654, when Gaozong was on site; he managed to survive with the help of Xue Rengui [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (614-683). (12) This incident did not deter Gaozong from future visits, which numbered seven more over the next two decades. (13) The last imperial sojourn was in 678, when heavy rain and severe cold caused the death of soldiers. (14) The palace was no longer in use when Du Fu visited the site. It was finally destroyed by a flood in 836. (15)

The construction of the Yuhua Palace was completed in 648 at Taizong's behest. The usual view is that the palace was a refurbishment of the Renzhi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Palace, built by emperor Gaozu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 618-626) in 624. However, it might better be regarded as a new project. (16) Taizong claimed in an imperial edict that fragility was to be observed during the construction project, and that it had two purposes. First, the Cuiwei [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Palace, newly built to the south of Chang'an, was too small to accommodate his officials at levee. Second, with the emperor's health declining he needed a cool refuge, especially in the summer. After years of effort founding and strengthening the dynasty, Taizong argued, he deserved a simple, unsophisticated resort for himself. His insistence on frugality resulted in only the main basilicas being roofed with tiles while all the others were thatched. (17)

Two years after Gaozong ascended the throne (651), the Yuhua Palace was turned into a Buddhist monastery. This later became the famous monk Xuanzang's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (602-664) base for most of his translation projects. Xuanzang had returned to Chang' an in 645 from a sutra-procuring pilgrimage to India. He had been received by Taizong at Yuhua when the palace was completed, in 648. Having begun his translation project in the capital, Xuanzang was frequently disturbed by pious, eager visitors. In 653 he requested the use of Yuhua for his project, and the request was granted by Gaozong. (18) Here Xuanzang did most of his important work. The sect associated with him was therefore called the Yuhua zong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] more commonly known as Faxiang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] zong. (19)

FRUGALITY OR EXTRAVAGANCE?

The semblance of being a frugal ruler was well maintained in Taizong's early years but it completely unraveled later on. Upon making the decision to keep Jiucheng Palace, Taizong ordered that extravagance be curtailed. Wei Zheng records in his stele inscription:

Thereupon, we sought lack of adornment by chopping the carved objects. Reduction after reduction, [we aimed to] get rid of excessive [extravagance]. We repaired the broken and ruined [parts], putting sand and gravel on the cinnabar-red stairways of the basilica, covering the white walls with mud plaster. The jade- embellished sections connect with earthen stairs. Emerald chambers lead up to thatched roofs. Looking up at the magnificence and pomp, one can make it a mirror of the past [as a warning]; looking down at the humbleness and frugality, one can [thereby] bequeath a precept to posterity. (20) Gestures towards frugality such as this in the construction of the Luminous Hall had been practiced since ancient times. (21) For Taizong, it was perhaps the price he paid to keep the Jiucheng Palace.

Historical records yield evidence that Taizong's words in his edict ordering the construction of the Yuhua Palace were but a "defense" for anticipated charges against him of extravagance. One example is a memorial presented by Xu Hui [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (627-650), one of his consorts who exposed his pretensions, saying in part:

When the north watchtowerof the palace had just been completed, Your Highness began building the Cuiwei Palace in the south. Before long, you started the construction of Yuhua Palace. Although the structure depended upon mountains and waters, it could not be erected and constructed without labor. [Despite] reduction after reduction [in costs], it was [still] rather wasteful in manpower. In the end you manifested frugality with thatched roofs, but the work that had to be done in wood and stone was still wearisome. You conscripted workers by officially hiring them, and thus caused disturbance. (22) In addition to Xu's testimony, Taizong's extravagance is reflected in his frequent construction of palaces. Below is a chronology of his unceasing construction projects.

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Especially in the last decade of his life, Taizong grew...